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Stanley R. Sloan

Soviet challenge, was equally intent on rationalizing US commitments abroad as part of an overall program of economic austerity. The Truman administration had not been able to decide to what extent US strategy should depend on nuclear weapons, but the Eisenhower administration was inclined virtually from the outset to use nuclear weapons deployments to meet national security objectives while pursuing fiscal solvency. Dulles had attempted to reassure the allies that rationalization in no way suggested a US tendency toward isolationism. At the same time, the new

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Abstract only
Representation, recognition and possibilities for transformative change
Constance Duncombe

negotiations surrounding the nuclear issue, and especially with each state's interpretation of Article IV of the NPT. Most importantly, these representational dynamics suggest that both US and Iranian actions may be better explained in terms of a struggle for recognition. The struggle for recognition is deeply intertwined with the representations both states hold of themselves and each other. US representations of itself – good, rational, leader of the international community – and Iran – dangerous, irrational, aggressive, undeveloped – are actively

in Representation, recognition and respect in world politics
Open Access (free)
Thomas Robb

. Nixon’s policies in Vietnam were publicly supported by Heath and, even in the face of stern criticism from other European leaders, Heath remained resolute in his support. Nixon’s détente policies were also publicly supported and US–UK interaction in a number of other areas continued. Intelligence cooperation was a continual feature of the relationship and Heath revitalised US–UK nuclear cooperation. The upgrading of Polaris was a subject that saw continual discussion amongst US–UK policy-makers, and the final decision to upgrade Polaris (in November 1973) confirmed

in A strained partnership?
From CND in the 1950s and 1960s to END in the 1980s
Richard Taylor

radical politics of the New Left, and the spontaneous, radical mass movement of the idealistic younger generation, articulated through CND. As he put it, in a passionate article in the NR, ‘The “bureaucracy” will hold the machine; but the New Left will hold the passes between it and the younger generation.’14 The key political demands of the New Left, as far as Thompson was concerned, were also intimately related to the CND campaign. But unilateral nuclear disarmament was not, on its own, enough. To have a real effect upon the dangerous escalation of the Cold War, the

in E. P. Thompson and English radicalism
The British far left from 1956
Editors: Evan Smith and Matthew Worley

Waiting for the revolution is a volume of essays examining the diverse currents of British left-wing politics from 1956 to the present day. The book is designed to complement the previous volume, Against the grain: The far left in Britain from 1956, bringing together young and established academics and writers to discuss the realignments and fissures that maintain leftist politics into the twenty-first century. The two books endeavor to historicise the British left, detailing but also seeking to understand the diverse currents that comprise ‘the far left’. Their objective is less to intervene in on-going issues relevant to the left and politics more generally, and more to uncover and explore the traditions and issues that have preoccupied leftist groups, activists and struggles. To this end, the book will appeal to scholars and anyone interested in British politics. It serves as an introduction to the far-left, providing concise overviews of organisations, social movements and campaigns. So, where the first volume examined the questions of anti-racism, gender politics and gay rights, volume two explores anti-nuclear and anti-apartheid struggles alongside introductions to Militant and the Revolutionary Communist Party.

Adrian Curtin

and 1945 is a grotesque chapter in human history. Also ghastly was the nuclear devastation of Japanese cities by the US in August 1945, which caused the death of approximately 140,000 people in Hiroshima and 40–70,000 people in Nagasaki, and plagued survivors (hibakusha) with radiation sickness and other damaging side-effects (Bryant and Peck, 2009: 711). In relation to aerial bombardment, there was precedent for the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in the firebombing of major Japanese cities, as well as the bombing of Dresden, Hamburg, London, and other British

in Death in modern theatre
Abstract only
James Johnson

section ends with a brief primer on ML’s critical role as an enabler (and subset) of AI, based on computational systems that can learn and teach through a variety of techniques. The second section demystifies the military implications of AI and critical AI-enabling technology. It debunks some of the misrepresentations and hyperbole surrounding AI. Then it describes how ML and autonomy could intersect with nuclear security in a multitude of ways, with both positive and negative implications for strategic stability

in Artificial intelligence and the future of warfare
Abstract only
Ken Young

this matter lay in the slow build-up of the UK’s domestic stockpile. Whereas the Soviet Union was rumoured to have several hundred nuclear bombs, Britain would possess just ten by 1955, and a sluggish production rate was expected to raise this to no more than fourteen by 1956.5 The first five were delivered to RAF Wittering late in 1953, well in advance of their having any aircraft capable of flying them, in order to commence ground training. Not until June 1955 did Wittering receive its first Valiant for air trials.6 By the time the V-bombers came into service, only

in The American bomb in Britain
The key to governance
Nigel D. White

nature of being an autonomous legal entity on the international stage. The debate about the extent of the doctrine of legal powers is addressed through three case studies: the legality of peacekeeping undertaken by the UN (including a discussion of the Expenses opinion); the competence of the WHO and UN in relation to the possession or use of nuclear weapons by states (including a discussion of the Nuclear Weapons opinions); and the legislative powers of the Security Council (focusing on its counter-terrorism decision in Resolution 1373 of 2001). The doctrine of

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
Shaping the future in the Cold War
Eva Horn

v 2 v The apocalyptic fiction: shaping the future in the Cold War Eva Horn The twentieth century was under the spell of an apocalyptic vision that was claimed to be both ‘absolutely real’ and ‘quite close’. This vision found its expression in a single image: the nuclear explosion. The radiant flash of light, the mushroom cloud and a destroyed landscape reaching up to the horizon visualised the possibility of the extinction of all mankind, something neither traditional nor modern fantasies of the end of the world had ever pictured in this way. In this sense

in Understanding the imaginary war