Search results

You are looking at 81 - 90 of 510 items for :

  • "special relationship" x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
Abstract only
Shohei Sato

local call for self-rule against a century and a half of British presence? Or was it Britain’s carefully designed strategy to serve its economic interest and the ‘special relationship’ with the US in order to survive the Cold War? Why was the process so delayed? And who made crucial decisions in the final reckoning? These questions are not only pertinent to the current

in Britain and the formation of the Gulf States
British European discourses 2007–10
Oliver Daddow

’d have both said one of the intentions of a New Labour government would be to sign up to the euro … a joint agenda’ (interview with Morgan). However, Brown was particularly keen to ‘affirm and to celebrate the historic partnership of shared purpose’ between Britain and the US and to align himself with the spiritual father of the ‘special relationship’, Winston Churchill (Brown 2005i; Brown 2007b). He wistfully spoke of ‘Britain’s unique place in the new world’ (Brown 2007c) and clearly set himself and the Labour government on a line he drew from Churchill to

in New Labour and the European Union
Thomas Robb

no fault of President Nixon’s if the special relationship languished’.3 As the argument runs, Heath was determined to attain membership of the EEC because this would bolster a stagnant British economy, and promote Britain’s international influence. France, having vetoed British membership on two previous occasions in 1963 and 1967, had to be convinced that Britain could be a ‘European country’. Accordingly, Heath disassociated from the US–UK special relationship in order to prove his European credentials, and thus undermine the perennial French fear that Britain

in A strained partnership?
Abstract only
Kriston R. Rennie

also considers the religious and political context of individual communities, whose ‘special relationship’ with Rome transformed their spiritual, economic, disciplinary, and judicial orientation. Monastic exemption privileges give witness to a rich and lively institutional story of power and freedom – a traditio Romana (or ‘Roman tradition’), whose origins and development date to the early Middle Ages. 1 Viewed as outgoing papal grants of immunity and protection, they are significantly more than just diplomatic objects of study or

in Freedom and protection
Yusuke Ishihara

some symbolic nicknames, such as ‘New Special Relationship’ in reference to the US–UK Special Relationship declared by British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, while Prime Minister Abbot called Japan Australia’s best friend in Asia, and Japanese policymakers started designating Australia as Japan’s ‘quasi-ally’, a new terminology widely used in the policy circle in Tokyo ( Ishihara, 2015a ). This was the context in which the Japanese policy community received sudden news in September 2015 that Abbott had been toppled by the new Prime

in Japan's new security partnerships
The impact of colonial universities on the University of London
Dongkyung Shin

. The London School of Economics now has a special relationship with the University College of Rhodesia: Walter Adams, the present Principal of that College will be coming to LSE, as our new Director. The official LSE magazine … greets this appointment with what appears to be considerable warmth. It even quotes Sir Sydney Caine: ‘I

in British culture after empire
Steve Bentel

local area as an altruistic act. Parkes’s linkage of Brixton and Harlem’s cultural status fits within a broader understanding of both neighbourhoods and the ‘urban crisis’ moment. Scholars have noted the links between postcolonial British racism and the racial tensions of urban America. 42 In Robin D. G. Kelley and Stephen Tuck’s collection The Other Special Relationship: Race

in British culture after empire
Arantza Gomez Arana

was Spain rather than Portugal that showed the most interest in developing relations and policies with Latin America (Gomez Saraiva 2004; Dykmann 2006). In other words, it was Spain rather than Portugal that wanted to continue the special relationship with the region. Even in the case of Brazil, a former colony of Portugal, the political and economic ties with Spain were much stronger than with Portugal (Wiarda 1989) – so much so that Spain also became a credit-lender for Brazil (Baklanoff 1985). The relationship of the EU and Latin America before and after 1985 The

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
Abstract only
The British monarchy in Australia, New Zealand and Canada, 1991–2016
Mark McKenna

that flowed from the Treaty as offering them more protection than that provided by the New Zealand government. 4 The Treaty of Waitangi has also provided a foundational narrative of historical origin in New Zealand for which Australia has no comparable example. The special relationship between Maori and the Crown is reflected in 2016 on the British monarchy’s website, which relies on the Treaty narrative

in Crowns and colonies
Abstract only
Karen Garner

democratic-minded Americans who might question the ongoing special relationship with British imperialism. Gray was not completely mistaken about the popular appeal of the anti-partition arguments. Soon after the United Nations’ fight against imperial Japan ended with the Japanese surrender on September 2, 1945, global governance organizations and nongovernmental international associations began organizing the postwar world. The Irish Anti-Partition League formed in fall 1945, and was soon supported by Fianna Fáil and all

in Friends and enemies