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Michael Robinson

under fire.’  15 Contemporary researchers re-evaluated the inflated Irish representation in pre-1914 asylum data by analysing broader the social and cultural forces which could shape diagnosis and perceptions of mental ill-health. This methodology similarly contextualises the 1921 waiting list figures, helping to dismiss the prejudicial theses of Wallace and Baldie. Unemployment and stunted recovery There was still a shortcoming of 787 beds for neurasthenics in 1921 despite the

in Shell-shocked British Army veterans in Ireland, 1918–39
Caitriona Clear

4883 Social Change PT bjl.qxd 13/6/07 11:07 Page 24 2 Non-agricultural work Introduction There was some development of non-agricultural employment in Ireland between 1851 and 1922, but this does not mean that there was work for everyone. Emigration masked the true extent of unemployment, millions of people moving from the country and sending home money to those who could not survive on the wages paid for the work they described themselves as doing to the census. Any discussion of ‘gains’ must bear this firmly in mind. There was, however, an increase in the

in Social change and everyday life in Ireland 1850–1922
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Portrayals of the working-class family
Philip Gillett

, though the girls have separate beds. Quite how the family afford to let the son take up his scholarship to secondary school is not clear. Unemployment and the debilitating effects of being in a pool of casual labour are stressed throughout the film. For Peter and his wife, it is a constant accompaniment to their lives. For the officer, Ben, it is harder to bear, affecting his relationship with Nora. Though Nora is working

in The British working class in postwar film
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Neoliberal gothic
Linnie Blake
Agnieszka Soltysik Monnet

being held fully responsible for any failure to prosper. As politicians pledged their allegiance not to the welfare of the electorate but to the financial freedoms of the market, a widening gulf of inequality became all too apparent. In developed nations, this manifested itself in the form of bankruptcies, unemployment lines, homelessness and public health crises. 12 Globally

in Neoliberal Gothic
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Income, identity and collective action
Andy Smith

personnel – a sense of disappointment that the sociologist Olivier Cousin likens to the bitter taste left by a failed love affair (2019). A second theme tackled in this chapter concerns what is spontaneously defined as the opposite of work: unemployment. As the first section will underline, for the past forty-five years its continuously high level has had a lasting impact upon not only getting a job in France, but keeping it. This also links to the often ‘precarious’ conditions under which job retention takes place and the knock-on effects this has had upon self

in Made in France
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Andy Spinoza

people into the town hall, one being Factory’s Tony Wilson, to talk to Labour councillors ‘about the world outside of our politics’. ‘I wrote,’ continues Leese, ‘that the biggest issue we face is deprivation, and the biggest single cause was unemployment or low skill value employment, and we needed to tackle the causes of deprivation, not just deal with the symptoms. To do that we needed to create jobs. Given we were being cut to ribbons, it was pretty clear the public sector wasn’t going to create jobs, we

in Manchester unspun
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Georgina Blakeley
Brendan Evans

issue is one of the effectiveness of partnerships, the measurement of indices of deprivation, or the impact of resident participation, any evaluation is a snapshot of a particular point in time and this limits its validity. The ‘static’ nature of evaluations can also mean they miss the cyclical nature of some phenomena. This was noticeable, for example, in resident involvement where a cycle of participation was apparent, but it was also evident in areas such as population stability and unemployment where there was turnover and churn. In particular, the impact of

in The regeneration of east Manchester
Susan Strange

, as its advocates had promised, EMU brought more unemployment both before and after it started; the costs borne by banks and taxpayers therefore greatly exceeded the promised benefits; at first, the euro was rated strong in the financial markets – stronger than expected or was desirable;11 the ‘stability pact’ agreed at the Dublin and Amsterdam summits in 1996/7 added to austerity measures in the EMU economies lowering growth instead of raising it; as the consequent political pressures mounted, EMU states began to put national priorities above those of monetary

in Mad Money
Michaël Amara

of the charity effort forced many refugees to support themselves by finding work. A useful workforce In the Netherlands, apart from certain industrial centres around Rotterdam or in Limburg, unemployment was high among Belgian refugees. The trade unions, as well as many municipal authorities created a series of obstacles to their employment, to prevent them from competing with Dutch workers. Many Belgians owed their jobs to the sewing and dressmaking shops that were set up by charities. Rockefeller Foundation sewing shops were opened in some thirty towns and funded

in Europe on the move
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Bryce Evans

perspective. The under-researched social and economic history of the period concerns a period of isolation in which crime and the cost of living rose steeply, unemployment and emigration remained wearyingly high, wages were frozen and supplies of food and fuel contracted perilously. It was against this grim backdrop that the Irish state undertook its ‘high-water mark’1 interventionist project. These measures took place in the midst of pervasive censorship and a strict application of the neutral spirit which portrayed Ireland as standing aloof from the materialism of the

in Ireland during the Second World War