Search results
remained critical of the ‘current conditions […] and impatient for change.’ 2 Yet reform was reluctant to arrive. While embarking on a set of internal transformations from the mid-1960s on, Yugoslavia failed ‘to implement substantial and comprehensive changes,’ Hrvoje Klasić claims. Without ‘respecting and encouraging pluralism, with a growing gap between theory and practice, the reform[s], of which much was expected, only intensified the already present antagonisms.’ 3 In fact, the Party leadership remained divided over three critical issues: decentralization and
. Overview – from market failure to government failure The institutionalisation of urban problems forms a context for the growth of indigenous local organisations in the 1960s and 1970s. They were created during a post-Fordist period of market failure and massive job losses, and were very different from their later counterparts which accepted market discipline within a new role
chapter 4 1960s radicals and political defeat: a lost cause? After the 1960s rebellions, hope and resistance soon gave way to despair and retreat: as Mike Davis has observed, the eclipse of this radical period in the US was characterised by downturns in levels of political activity, splits within organisations such as the SDS, mass state repression targeted at the Black Panthers and others, and, most crucially, a steep decline in class struggle (Davis, 1986: 222–3). Tom Hayden recalled the ‘death upon death’ inflicted on the left (Hayden, 1988: 505). Hirschman
Heerten, 2018 ; Omaka, 2016 ]. The second strand to this narrative is that Biafra was a significant moment for the creation of the modern non-governmental organisation system. The period from around the late 1960s to the mid 1980s – from Biafra to Live Aid, if you like – brought about a transformation in scale and purpose of non-governmental aid. To put this in very simple terms, the number of NGOs increased considerably around the turn of the 1960s and the early 1970s, the
city of Heiden, Switzerland, where citizens commissioned a monument to Henry Dunant. 1 In Castiglione, Italy, meanwhile, local dignitaries revived the idea for a museum to commemorate Dunant’s relief activities within the city’s streets a hundred years before. Castiglione’s International Red Cross Museum opened in June 1959 and established itself as the central Red Cross museum in Europe through the 1960s and 1970s. The museum’s approach to display and
opposition to coloniality, even in the most ‘benign’ of research and policy areas, like international aid and humanitarianism. Coloniality can be understood as the perpetuation of colonial systems and technologies of domination into the present. As discussed by scholars such as Quijano, Grosfoguel, Dussel and Ndlovu-Gatsheni, the concept of decoloniality encourages systemic and historical analysis of the organised (re)production of injustice and mass human suffering. Formal colonialism (which arguably existed from 1492 to the 1960s) and transatlantic
mind when analysing periods like the late 1960s and early 1970s when things were in flux. What it meant at that time to be a humanitarian organisation was changing right on the cusp of both a ‘breakthrough’ for human rights activism as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch entered the world stage ( Moyn, 2010 ) and the reinvention of humanitarianism by Doctors Without Borders ( Davey, 2015 ). A great virtue of Heerten’s book is the way he approaches this issue when
Shattered State ( London : Zed Books ). Hilton , M. ( 2018 ), ‘ Oxfam and the Problem of NGO Aid Appraisal in the 1960s ’, Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development , 9 : 1 , 1 – 18 , doi: 10.1353/hum.2018.0000 . Korff , V. P
Introduction Drawing its energy from the wave of New Left and counter-cultural radicalism of the 1960s ( Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005 ), an NGO-led direct humanitarian action pushed onto the international stage during the 1970s. The radicalism of this new anti-establishment sans frontières humanitarianism lay in its political challenge to the conventions of Cold War sovereignty. By being there on the ground it sought to hold sovereign power to account, witnessing its excesses while professing a face-to-face humanitarian
Development, 1940s–1960s ’, in Smith , A. W. M. and Jeppesen , C. (eds), Britain, France and the Decolonization of Africa: Future Imperfect ? ( London : UCL Press ) pp. 43 – 61 . Riley , C. L. ( 2019 ), ‘ Labour’s International Development Policy