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representations in the mind, via the infant’s everyday experience and interaction with objects. It was only behaviourists that challenged this theory, but as they had no replacement model for the development of subjectivity, all they could offer were criticisms rather than an alternative. However, by the 1960s, shifts began to take place that encouraged the development of new theories of
Infantile Autism , 1964). 24 This pattern was also in evidence in the United Kingdom, where the Society for Autistic Children, in alliance with the researchers John and Lorna Wing (who were also parents of an autistic child), helped to propel a new research agenda in the 1960s that transformed conceptions of autism by the 1970s – dismantling the psychoanalytic concept of childhood schizophrenia and developing the modern understanding of a sensory and communicative disorder affecting the ability to form social
on the inheritance of deafness worldwide. Covering the period from the 1930s to the 1960s, the school’s heredity research fell into a time of immense changes in eugenics, genetics, and genetic counselling. During this time, the coercive, state-driven, and biased eugenics of the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s grew into the modern medical genetics of the 1950s and 1960s, which, increasingly, emphasized individual autonomy. Historians have given much attention to the fraught, ritualized, and incomplete manner in which geneticists, physicians, biologists, or
2 Ian Ramsey, theology and ‘trans-disciplinary’ medical ethics During the 1960s and 1970s Anglican theologians increasingly endorsed ‘trans-disciplinary’ discussion of new procedures such as IVF in societies and journals dedicated to medical ethics.1 Although theological engagement with medical ethics was by no means new, it increased from the 1960s thanks to a decline in religious belief. Figures such as Ian Ramsey, an Oxford theologian and later Bishop of Durham, endorsed greater engagement with social and moral issues to maintain the Church’s relevance in
It was not a geneticist, but a hearing-sighted psychologist, McCay Vernon, who, in the late 1960s, defined Usher syndrome as a distinct genetic form of deaf-blindness – an incurable, hereditary, neuropsychiatric ‘chronic incapacitating disease’ 1 – and rallied for its eugenic prevention. In doing so, he both perpetuated eugenic and ableist motives, and helped engender an Usher syndrome community that would reject these motives at least partially. The following, then, is not offered as the story of a ‘big man’ who ‘fixed’ a disability, but as one of
an end, to present-day writers who continue to revisit the strike as a historical event. Accounts of those on the so-called ‘front lines’ of 1962 were generally highly polarized, and spoke to a highly polarized public. A rebellious decade, the 1960s created a moment when citizen rights were at the forefront of the national agenda. 6 Dissent and upheaval among trade unionists, youth, and Quebecois and First
with specialist labour, a growing care team, and laboratory technologies. The concessions and divisions on which the NHS had been initially built, however, meant that regional organisation of clinic services, whilst much prized by doctors and the leading diabetes patient association, failed to take place. Furthermore, hospital care began to face serious challenges during the 1950s and 1960s. Shifting understandings of diabetes, rising patient loads, and resource constraints within the NHS encouraged clinicians to look beyond hospital management. Early innovations in
population of the 1950s and 1960s illustrate the ways in which the concept of stress was becoming much more common within popular discourse and how ideas about stress were initially focused on certain sections of the population, revealing a continuity with much earlier ideas about status and nervous disorders. By examining newspaper coverage of stress between the 1950s and 1970s, this chapter shows how ideas about the causes and sufferers of stress became a visible part of popular culture and an explanation for certain types of negative experience. Analysis of personal
This chapter reflects on my experiences and memories of infection control through my nurse training and career. When I started training in the early 1960s, we were required to live in hospital accommodation for the first year. There were no male nurses and no male toilets. We had to be in by 10.30 p.m. and could request a late pass from the warden each month. Too many requests would be reported to matron. Luckily, we were provided with free meals, as my first monthly pay packet gave me £11 in my pocket. Matron had to give permission if you wanted to get married
replicated. From the 1960s, some 400 CMPPs spread throughout France, becoming a significant vector for the diffusion of psychoanalytic concepts in wider French society. As well as the CCB, Dolto worked at (and received a salary from) the Étienne Marcel CMPP in central Paris after its creation in 1961 (this was also the setting for the ‘Dominique’ case discussed in Chapter 5 ). The CMPPs indirectly gave rise to a later set of institutions, the Lieux d’Accueil Enfants-Parents (LAEPs), which will be discussed further in Chapter