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Abstract only
Carla Konta

remained critical of the ‘current conditions […] and impatient for change.’ 2 Yet reform was reluctant to arrive. While embarking on a set of internal transformations from the mid-1960s on, Yugoslavia failed ‘to implement substantial and comprehensive changes,’ Hrvoje Klasić claims. Without ‘respecting and encouraging pluralism, with a growing gap between theory and practice, the reform[s], of which much was expected, only intensified the already present antagonisms.’ 3 In fact, the Party leadership remained divided over three critical issues: decentralization and

in US public diplomacy in socialist Yugoslavia, 1950–70
Dominic Bryan
,
S. J. Connolly
, and
John Nagle

American sailors in the Lord Mayor’s Parade hoisted a North Vietnamese flag in the city centre. 1 These very brief vignettes from the Belfast of the mid- and late 1960s have two things in common. First, all three actions took as their point of reference events outside Northern Ireland. In this they reflected the greater openness to outside influences that had begun with the Second World War and continued and deepened in the new era of relative prosperity and optimism that followed. Second, none of the three movements involved could be fitted neatly into the simple two

in Civic identity and public space
Leslie Huckfield

. Overview – from market failure to government failure The institutionalisation of urban problems forms a context for the growth of indigenous local organisations in the 1960s and 1970s. They were created during a post-Fordist period of market failure and massive job losses, and were very different from their later counterparts which accepted market discipline within a new role

in How Blair killed the co-ops
Thomas C. Mills

Billboard magazine’s top five places. 2 Through their recordings, movies, live performances, and other public utterances and appearances, the Beatles had a profound effect on American culture and society throughout the 1960s. Cultural exchange has, of course, long been a facet of Anglo-American relations. In the twentieth century, cultural flows tended to travel predominantly from west to east, reflecting the dominance of the United States in new popular forms such as motion pictures and popular music. 3 The traffic was never one way, however. The development of

in Culture matters
Gerasimos Gerasimos

movement within this broad region, as well as long-distance emigration to the Americans, Europe, and sub-Saharan Africa. It is also marked by waves of immigration into the region from Europe. The postcolonial period, from the late 1940s until the late 1960s, coincides with the rise of Arab nationalism, as cross-border population mobility is driven mainly by political, rather than economic, factors. The oil boom period, from the late 1960s until the early 1980s, is dominated by economically driven cross-border migratory flows, although national and regional politics

in Migration diplomacy in the Middle East and North Africa
Abstract only
Labour’s defence review
Keith Mc Loughlin

that Britain bore a larger defence burden than its allies in Europe and that these economic rivals enjoyed a ‘decided advantage’ for that reason. 3 The Labour government was even more divided than it had been in the 1960s, with each minister guarding their own departmental budget. Defence became primarily a matter of political economy as ministers clashed over its scale and purpose. This was a point where the defence economy could have been significantly reduced – but only if the government desired to do so

in The British left and the defence economy
The local and national contexts
Thomas Fetzer

This chapter outlines the contextual framework, within which German and British trade union politics at Ford and General Motors evolved between the late 1960s and the early twenty-first century. The chapter starts with a brief sketch of the post-war development of the British and German automobile industries, followed by a synthetic overview of the development of the two national industrial relations systems and the description of the specific trade

in Paradoxes of internationalization
Abstract only
Keith Mc Loughlin

This book argues that, in Britain, the Cold War was an economic and social necessity. In contrast to the prevailing emphasis that historians have placed on cultural, diplomatic and military experiences, this book demonstrates that Britain's Cold War was primarily an economic experience. During the era covered here, the 1960s through to the 1980s, Britain's defence economy sustained thousands of workers and their communities in what was a period of seismic economic and industrial change. Military industry was recognised by both Conservative

in The British left and the defence economy
A new challenge for German and British trade unions at Ford and General Motors
Thomas Fetzer

Strictly speaking, Ford and General Motors had ‘internationalized’ their operations ever since they started their investment in Europe in the early twentieth century (see Bordenave and Lung, 2003 ). However, European subsidiaries had a great deal of autonomy for most of their existence until the 1960s. It was only then that ‘geocentric’ internationalization started to take shape (first at Ford, and from 1973–74 at GM) through product standardization, the

in Paradoxes of internationalization
Dean Blackburn

regard the ascendency of Thatcherism as the outcome of structural social and economic changes that modified popular attitudes; others draw attention to the contradictions of the Keynesian economic policies that were pursued by successive governments in the 1960s and early 1970s. 3 By exploring the intellectual politics of the period, this chapter contributes to these debates by making two main arguments. First, it argues that the political turbulence of the 1970s stemmed from a crisis of the meritocratic settlement that was described in the preceding chapters. 4 This

in Penguin Books and political change