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remained critical of the ‘current conditions […] and impatient for change.’ 2 Yet reform was reluctant to arrive. While embarking on a set of internal transformations from the mid-1960s on, Yugoslavia failed ‘to implement substantial and comprehensive changes,’ Hrvoje Klasić claims. Without ‘respecting and encouraging pluralism, with a growing gap between theory and practice, the reform[s], of which much was expected, only intensified the already present antagonisms.’ 3 In fact, the Party leadership remained divided over three critical issues: decentralization and
American sailors in the Lord Mayor’s Parade hoisted a North Vietnamese flag in the city centre. 1 These very brief vignettes from the Belfast of the mid- and late 1960s have two things in common. First, all three actions took as their point of reference events outside Northern Ireland. In this they reflected the greater openness to outside influences that had begun with the Second World War and continued and deepened in the new era of relative prosperity and optimism that followed. Second, none of the three movements involved could be fitted neatly into the simple two
. Overview – from market failure to government failure The institutionalisation of urban problems forms a context for the growth of indigenous local organisations in the 1960s and 1970s. They were created during a post-Fordist period of market failure and massive job losses, and were very different from their later counterparts which accepted market discipline within a new role
Billboard magazine’s top five places. 2 Through their recordings, movies, live performances, and other public utterances and appearances, the Beatles had a profound effect on American culture and society throughout the 1960s. Cultural exchange has, of course, long been a facet of Anglo-American relations. In the twentieth century, cultural flows tended to travel predominantly from west to east, reflecting the dominance of the United States in new popular forms such as motion pictures and popular music. 3 The traffic was never one way, however. The development of
in the overall context of intra-state peacekeeping, but also further develop an important element of our argument, namely that the two periods under scrutiny (i.e. the early 1960s and the early 1990s) constituted critical thresholds in intra-state peacekeeping, each with its own particular normative resolution as to the UN’s objectives and authority. We will demonstrate how the interests and normative
1 Emergence and identification of the problem It was during the 1960s that concern about industrial relations and trade unionism moved firmly on to the political agenda, whereupon many senior politicians and civil servants increasingly became convinced of the necessity of reform which entailed legislation. Since the end of the Second World War a voluntarist approach had prevailed, under which governments studiously sought to avoid being embroiled in industrial relations, and instead repeatedly insisted that relations between employers and employees, and
5 Simone de Beauvoir’s The Second Sex Fiona Dukelow Introduction Written in the late 1940s, The Second Sex is acclaimed as one of the major wells of inspiration for subsequent feminist thinking and action in the 1960s and 1970s. For writing it, Simone de Beauvoir (1908–86) is hailed as a pioneer, a beacon, the ‘mother of us all’,1 the woman to whom we ‘owe everything’,2 or, as Beauvoir herself dryly observed, ‘this “sacred relic”’ (Beauvoir, 1983 in Bair, 1990: 604). Yet, while Beauvoir and her book may have attained iconic status within feminist historiography
This chapter outlines the contextual framework, within which German and British trade union politics at Ford and General Motors evolved between the late 1960s and the early twenty-first century. The chapter starts with a brief sketch of the post-war development of the British and German automobile industries, followed by a synthetic overview of the development of the two national industrial relations systems and the description of the specific trade
movement within this broad region, as well as long-distance emigration to the Americans, Europe, and sub-Saharan Africa. It is also marked by waves of immigration into the region from Europe. The postcolonial period, from the late 1940s until the late 1960s, coincides with the rise of Arab nationalism, as cross-border population mobility is driven mainly by political, rather than economic, factors. The oil boom period, from the late 1960s until the early 1980s, is dominated by economically driven cross-border migratory flows, although national and regional politics
-wing intellectual environment of the 1960s and 1970s. In the political and economic circumstances of the time, a turn to the Scottish nation as a new form of left-wing identification could be legitimated by an emergent constellation of ideas about class, economic development and international politics, which had material and political roots in the mid-1950s. This argument depends on a certain conception of the role of ideas. Ideas are used to understand a given situation and justify a certain course of Origins of the present crisis? 165 action; while they do not succeed on