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media as an image of the culmination of university students’ protest in the late 1960s in the United Kingdom. 3 At the institutional level, LSE memorialises the boycott, seeking to demonstrate how LSE developed students’ voices, evident in a 2019 exhibition and panel discussion commemorating 1960s student activism. These explored both anti-Vietnam War demonstrations during 1968 and LSE’s closure
volunteers followed Herb Feith to Asia, Africa and Latin America in the 1950s and 1960s. Although Feith was uniquely capable of expressing his political philosophy, other volunteers were similarly emotionally engaged. This chapter explores sentiment and affect in three major development volunteering programmes: Australia’s Volunteer Graduate Scheme, Britain’s Voluntary Service Overseas (commonly known by its abbreviation, VSO) and
shore up their minority settler populations. This chapter examines policies surrounding migration in the United Kingdom, Rhodesia and South Africa in the 1960s and early 1970s alongside the experiences of migrants. It argues that in all three cases, the end of formal imperial ties led to state efforts to strengthen and preserve nations imagined in racial terms as white. The challenge that decolonisation brought to the previously held racialised order of things contributed to a backlash in the 1960s and 1970s, which can
and especially in the immediate post-war decades, the majority of British migrants moved to Commonwealth countries. From 1946 to 2000, more than 8 million Britons left the United Kingdom and more than 5 million of these migrants moved to countries in the empire and former empire. The proportion was close to 90 per cent in the 1950s, it was 74 per cent in the 1960s, 59 per cent in the 1970s, 46 per cent in the 1980s and dropped to 32 per cent in the 1990s as British migrants increasingly moved to European destinations such as France
Amnesty’s emergence. Its novel deployment of human rights ideas and, like many organisations of the 1960s, its eschewing of binary Cold War hostilities, sat alongside a much older – indeed ancient – imperative to aid those in need. In this chapter, I use Amnesty as a window into the way humanitarian action was transformed and complicated by its ever-closer relationship with human rights in the second half of the twentieth
through the oral histories of British migrants is that of dislocation, of not really belonging to any specific nation or group. For those who have lived in more than one country, their primary identity often becomes that of a migrant. 8 In the case of British migrants to southern Africa this dislocation was intensified by the turmoil of decolonisation and the serial migrations spurred by the end of empire. As discussed in prior chapters, many of the white migrants to both Rhodesia and South Africa in the 1960s and 1970s
that social scientific ideas about Britain in the 1950s and 1960s drew on ideas and practices developed to explain the social dynamics of the Empire. As colonial sources of funding dried up, and with access to many colonial research sites increasingly restricted on security grounds from the 1950s, those social scientists whose subject of research had focused on Britain’s Empire
British population – the ‘best human material’ – were capable of taking on leading roles in a globalising world. Given Chislett's high level of civic activity, it is likely that he shared similar diagnoses and prescriptions in a wide range of associational settings over the course of the 1960s, including with his Rotary Club (where he served as Chair of the International Committee), in the Rotherham Celebrity Lectures Group, and at his frequent film screenings. 3 Chislett's participation in Rotherham civic society illustrates how those
In the 1960s the world shrank for the British public. In a literal sense, they lost an empire. The start of the decade marked the most intense period of decolonisation and, by its end, more than twenty-five colonies in Africa, the Caribbean, and the Indian Ocean had gained independence. With each independence ceremony, with each newly hoisted flag, the pink area on the map retreated. But the world was becoming smaller in other ways as well. The 1960s were distinctive not just for the rapid pace of decolonisation, but also for a boom in
Settlers at the End of Empire is a ground-breaking study that integrates the neglected history of emigration from the United Kingdom with the history of immigration to the United Kingdom in the second half of the twentieth century. Drawing attention to the volume and longevity of British emigration, Settlers at the End of Empire analyses the development of racialised migration regimes in the United Kingdom, South Africa and Rhodesia (present-day Zimbabwe), from the Second World War to the collapse of the apartheid regime in 1994. Both white emigration from the United Kingdom and the arrival of increasing numbers of Commonwealth migrants of colour were cast as signs of national decline and many emigrants cited the arrival of migrants of colour as a factor in their decision to leave. South Africa and Rhodesia meanwhile, moved from selective immigration policies in the 1940s and 1950s to an intensive recruitment of white migrants in the 1960s and 1970s. This was an attempt by these increasingly embattled settler regimes to increase their white populations and thereby defend minority rule. Though such efforts bore limited results in war-torn Rhodesia, South Africa saw a dramatic increase of European and especially British migrants from the 1960s to the early 1980s, just as the United Kingdom implemented immigration restrictions aimed at Commonwealth migrants of colour. In all three nations, therefore, though they took different forms, migration policies were intended to defend nations imagined as white in the wake of imperial collapse.