Search results
representations in the mind, via the infant’s everyday experience and interaction with objects. It was only behaviourists that challenged this theory, but as they had no replacement model for the development of subjectivity, all they could offer were criticisms rather than an alternative. However, by the 1960s, shifts began to take place that encouraged the development of new theories of
Infantile Autism , 1964). 24 This pattern was also in evidence in the United Kingdom, where the Society for Autistic Children, in alliance with the researchers John and Lorna Wing (who were also parents of an autistic child), helped to propel a new research agenda in the 1960s that transformed conceptions of autism by the 1970s – dismantling the psychoanalytic concept of childhood schizophrenia and developing the modern understanding of a sensory and communicative disorder affecting the ability to form social
on the inheritance of deafness worldwide. Covering the period from the 1930s to the 1960s, the school’s heredity research fell into a time of immense changes in eugenics, genetics, and genetic counselling. During this time, the coercive, state-driven, and biased eugenics of the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s grew into the modern medical genetics of the 1950s and 1960s, which, increasingly, emphasized individual autonomy. Historians have given much attention to the fraught, ritualized, and incomplete manner in which geneticists, physicians, biologists, or
2 Ian Ramsey, theology and ‘trans-disciplinary’ medical ethics During the 1960s and 1970s Anglican theologians increasingly endorsed ‘trans-disciplinary’ discussion of new procedures such as IVF in societies and journals dedicated to medical ethics.1 Although theological engagement with medical ethics was by no means new, it increased from the 1960s thanks to a decline in religious belief. Figures such as Ian Ramsey, an Oxford theologian and later Bishop of Durham, endorsed greater engagement with social and moral issues to maintain the Church’s relevance in
. 14 Heavy (and heavily unionised) industries such as coal and steel were declining, as were the small proprietor businesses of the traditional middle class, while job opportunities grew in the salaried white-collar and service sectors. France had lost almost all of its remaining formal empire in the 1960s, and was periodically seized by fears of being swamped by non-white immigrants from former colonies, prompting the government to ban new immigration other than for purposes of family reunification. 15 France in
replicated. From the 1960s, some 400 CMPPs spread throughout France, becoming a significant vector for the diffusion of psychoanalytic concepts in wider French society. As well as the CCB, Dolto worked at (and received a salary from) the Étienne Marcel CMPP in central Paris after its creation in 1961 (this was also the setting for the ‘Dominique’ case discussed in Chapter 5 ). The CMPPs indirectly gave rise to a later set of institutions, the Lieux d’Accueil Enfants-Parents (LAEPs), which will be discussed further in Chapter
effects of racial and colonial dominance on mental illness. ‘The issue of race hits you in the face here [ ce problème noir ici vous saute à la gorge ], whereas in France, [people think that] Martinique is just France’, Dolto commented. ‘The psychoanalytical point of view is completely absent … the sense of personal or internal family conflict isn’t among their categories.’ 4 Dolto felt intimidated. 5 Notwithstanding the influence of the Martinique-born Frantz Fanon on the radical psychiatry of the 1960s with which she
-Télévision Luxembourg – RTL) emerged as competitors in the 1950s, offering what Raymond Kuhn describes as ‘less hidebound, more informal and unashamedly more commercial and populist’ content. 8 In the 1960s, these stations were well placed to foster new communities reflecting France’s changing cultural landscape. The Europe 1 youth-oriented show Salut les copains , broadcast in the afternoons as teenagers were leaving school, functioned as the focal point for an imagined community of young musical ‘ copains ’ based on camaraderie and
It was not a geneticist, but a hearing-sighted psychologist, McCay Vernon, who, in the late 1960s, defined Usher syndrome as a distinct genetic form of deaf-blindness – an incurable, hereditary, neuropsychiatric ‘chronic incapacitating disease’ 1 – and rallied for its eugenic prevention. In doing so, he both perpetuated eugenic and ableist motives, and helped engender an Usher syndrome community that would reject these motives at least partially. The following, then, is not offered as the story of a ‘big man’ who ‘fixed’ a disability, but as one of
psychologically healthy for individuals and for the nation as a whole. Fathers should not intervene too much in day-to-day child rearing, lest they ‘thereby usurp … a maternal role … such an error could disturb the development of the Oedipus complex in their children’. 80 Many of these ideas of Pichon’s became cornerstones of Dolto’s later thinking. Indeed, the resemblances between Pichon’s 1936 statements and those for which Dolto was hailed as radical and innovative in the 1960s and 1970s are striking. Though Laforgue was her