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Samuel K. Cohn, Jr

contemporary European history as well as for the modern histories of Latin America, Asia, and Africa. Curiously, the same cannot be said for the Middle Ages. Our own tumultuous 1960s and 1970s stimulated new studies of the English Uprising of 1381 and the Revolt of the Ciompi, but only two monographs have thus far compared medieval revolt across national boundaries: Mollat and Wolff, Ongles bleus [translated

in Popular protest in late-medieval Europe
Rosemary Horrox

human population). 8 By the late 1960s the ‘safe’ estimate was generally taken to be a national death rate of around one third: a figure which avoided on the one hand the ‘credulity’ of nineteenth-century historians and on the other Russell’s disconcertingly arbitrary figures. 9 A death rate of one third in less than two years is still, of

in The Black Death
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Samuel K. Cohn, Jr

studies of the economy of France in the 1960s, views of the Jacquerie changed. First, Luce read the documents with a sympathetic eye towards the peasantry, emphasising the contexts of war, terror, and destruction to the countryside by the English routiers , gangs of brigands, and above all else, ‘the decadence of French chivalry’. The nobles’ loss of military prestige, their failure to protect the

in Popular protest in late-medieval Europe
Abstract only
Graham A. Loud

fitting conclusion to, the account. They were, however, omitted from the first published edition of Alexander’s History, in 1578, by Jeronimo Zurita y Castro (1512–80, otherwise notable as the historian of the medieval kingdom of Aragon), and from the five subsequent editions, all entirely derivative from the editio princeps , until published for the first time in the 1960s. 176

in Roger II and the creation of the Kingdom of Sicily
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Paul Fouracre
Richard A. Gerberding

showed the great extent to which these conventions were employed. He demonstrated that some works were made up of nothing but well tried motifs and phrases, having no historical basis at all. Delehaye’s work emphasised the importance of understanding the function and purpose of hagiography, and his insights have paid rich dividends when applied to Merovingian texts. In particular, work in the 1960s by F. Graus and

in Late Merovingian France
Abstract only
Mark Bailey

which medieval farming systems were so plainly characterised’. 41 Other historians have employed manorial accounts to understand the nature of, and changes in, the management of individual seigneurial estates during the later Middle Ages. Wide-ranging studies such as these were especially popular in the 1960s and 1970s, although the recent preference has been for more detailed

in The English manor c.1200–c.1500
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Monasticism in late medieval England, c. 1300–1535
Martin Heale

and Wales, and only about 150 female houses were established. Not only were there hundreds of monasteries in early fourteenth-century England, but in the years around 1300 these houses were probably more populous than at any other time in their history. The only sustained research into the size of the medieval monastic population, carried out in the 1950s and 1960s, suggested that

in Monasticism in late medieval England, c. 1300–1535