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Collective action in rural settlements
Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock

to carry it out. 25 A comparable text is provided by Adalhard’s directions about the management of the abbey of Corbie and its lands at the beginning of the ninth century, in which the abbot associated whole estates in arrangements through which the one nearer the monastery had to pay a double tithe in order not to burden one farther away with the task. 26 Monasteries such as Prüm might even demand that people travel to other estates to assist at harvest time. 27 Female labour, such as weaving and spinning, was for the most part carried out within the household

in Neighbours and strangers
Hincmar and Lothar I
Elina Screen

promote his cause in the Middle Kingdom. His correspondents included Eberhard of Friuli, but not apparently other key ministeriales such as Matfrid, Liutfrid or Adalhard. 60 I have suggested elsewhere that 852–53 saw a shift in the balance of power in the south of Lothar’s kingdom; Hincmar’s choice of correspondents might provide some further tantalising hints about internal groupings within Lothar’s kingdom. 61 If Hincmar had suffered from Lothar’s hostility to Charles the Bald in 846–47, both he and Charles reaped rewards from the good

in Hincmar of Rheims
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Hincmar’s world
Rachel Stone

, Prosopographie de l’entourage de Louis le Pieux (781–840) (Sigmaringen, 1997), pp.  250–6; A.  L. Taylor, Epic Lives and Monasticism in the Middle Ages, 800–1050 (New York, 2013), pp.  55–63. 12 On Adalard, see B. Kasten, Adalhard von Corbie: die Biographie eines karolingischen Politikers und Klostervorstehers (Düsseldorf, 1986). 13 M. de Jong, The Penitential State: Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge, 2009), pp.  122–31. On Hincmar’s possible presence at Attigny, see Böhringer, ‘Einleitung’, p.  1, Nelson, Chapter 2, pp.  44

in Hincmar of Rheims
Philippe Depreux

Attigny meeting, see B.  Kasten, Adalhard von Corbie. Die Biographie eines karolingischen Politikers und Klostervorstehers (Düsseldorf, 1986), pp.  142–4; E.  Boshof, Ludwig der Fromme (Darmstadt, 1996), pp. 148–50. The most circumstantial comments on the political context of that penance of 822 are given by O. Guillot, ‘Autour de la pénitence publique de Louis le Pieux (822)’, in J. Hoareau-Dodinau, X. Rousseaux and P. Texier (eds), Le pardon (Limoges, 1999), 281–313 (rev. edn in Guillot, Arcana imperii, 341–70); and by De Jong, Penitential State, pp. 122–31. 11 This

in Religious Franks
Inalienability of church property and the sovereignty of a ruler in the ninth century
Stefan Esders and Steffen Patzold

be long in coming  – and in Agobard’s view, such a punishment could affect the entire polity.52 Agobard indicated in his text that he had personally presented these arguments in Attigny in 822, at an episcopal council that the emperor had not attended.53 We hear hints of how Agobard’s performance resonated with the assembled magnates:  the archbishop reported that Adalhard and the Conventus Suessionensis (a. 853), c. 12, ed. A. Boretius, MGH Cap. 2, 263–6, p. 266. Capitulare missorum Suessionense (a. 853), c.  12, ed. A.  Boretius, MGH Cap. 2, 266–70, p. 270. 51

in Religious Franks
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Alison I. Beach, Shannon M.T. Li, and Samuel S. Sutherland

Adalhard, a pious, devout, and God-fearing man, and a relative of the blessed man Gebhard according to consanguinity of the flesh; he was not, however, from Swabia, but lived in a distant land. Many great estates in the pagus of Illergau – that is, near Aichstetten and Breitenbach, Rieden, Hausen, and Steinbach – fell into his rule through inheritance. Whenever this man came from his land and visited these estates (which he did very rarely), all of the inhabitants hastened to greet him with their little gifts, just as all serfs do for their lord. But because he was

in Monastic experience in twelfth-century Germany