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Roxana Ferllini

This article presents an account of the involvement of forensic anthropology in the investigation of human rights abuses in the modern era, and the difficulties it faces with respect to lack of adequate funding, volatile settings, the presence of unexploded ordnance, corruption in governmental agencies and a lack of good will, absence of support for NGOs and the curtailment of formal judicial proceedings to effect transitional justice. Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, Spain, Mexico and the Northern Triangle are provided as regional examples of the problems encountered when attempting to conduct forensic anthropological investigations to locate mass graves, retrieve victims and obtain proper identifications. Interventions by various organisations are highlighted to illustrate their assistance to forensic and non-forensic individuals through technical support, training and mentoring in the areas of crime-scene management and identification techniques. Interventions in mass-grave processing when state agencies have failed, the importance of DNA banks and information from family members and witnesses are also presented.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Britain’s changing strategy in Afghanistan
Aaron Edwards

8 Building peace amidst conflict: Britain’s changing strategy in Afghanistan It is a singular feature of small wars that from the point of view of strategy the regular forces are upon the whole at a distinct disadvantage as compared to their antagonists.1 Military . . . [s]trategy is particularly concerned with the political consequences and advantages of the threat and use of force; it gives meaning and context to all operational and tactical actions. Its purpose is to balance the ways and means required to achieve stipulated ends, conditioned by the

in Defending the realm?
The politics of Britain’s small wars since 1945
Author: Aaron Edwards

Britain is often revered for its extensive experience of waging ‘small wars’. Its long imperial history is littered with high profile counter-insurgency campaigns, thus marking it out as the world's most seasoned practitioners of this type of warfare. Britain's ‘small wars’ ranged from fighting Communist insurgents in the bamboo-laden Malayan jungle, marauding Mau Mau gangs in Kenyan game reserves, Irish republican terrorists in the back alleys and rural hamlets of Northern Ireland, and Taliban fighters in Afghanistan's Helmand province. This is the first book to detail the tactical and operational dynamics of Britain's small wars, arguing that the military's use of force was more heavily constrained by wider strategic and political considerations than previously admitted. Outlining the civil-military strategy followed by the British in Palestine, Malaya, Kenya, Cyprus, Aden, Northern Ireland, Iraq and Afghanistan, Defending the Realm argues that Britain's small wars have been shaped by a relative decline in British power, amidst dramatic fluctuations in the international system, just as much as the actions of military commanders and civilian officials ‘on the spot’ or those formulating government policy in London. Written from a theoretically-informed perspective, grounded in rich archival sources, oral testimonies and a reappraisal of the literature on counter-insurgency and counter-terrorism, Defending the Realm is the definitive account of the politics of Britain's small wars. It will be of interest to political scientists and historians, as well as scholars, students, soldiers and politicians who wish to gain a more critically informed perspective of the political trappings of war.

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Warriors and administrators
Patrick O’Leary

; Alexander’s Macedonians, Mongols, Turks, Babur the first of the Mughals, have all fought their way through its rugged defiles, 2 or, in recognition of the difficulty of forcing the passes, have paid off the hill tribes. 3 Going the other way, the armies of British India marched twice into Afghanistan to suffer some of their greatest defeats. 4 The twin and associated problems posed

in Servants of the empire
The Army in India and the North-West Frontier, 1920–1939
Tim Moreman

The North-West Frontier of India, the most sensitive strategic frontier of the British Empire, posed a complex defence problem for the Army in India during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. A constant threat of war with the Soviet Union or Afghanistan was combined with a local and more immediate problem of tribal control – one which tied down large numbers of British and

in Guardians of empire
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The Indian Army and the fight for empire, 1918–20
Kate Imy

, the Third Anglo-Afghan War sent many of the Indian Army's soldiers back out to an active war zone to prevent an Afghan invasion into north-western India. When world powers convened to sign the Treaty of Versailles, naming the terms of peace in June 1919, this also failed to signal an end to fighting for Indian Army men. Many South Asian soldiers journeyed to Egypt, Mesopotamia and Palestine to put down rebellions or implement military control within and beyond Britain's existing protectorates and new League of Nations mandates. 3

in Exiting war
Patrick O’Leary

Third Afghan War in 1919 that the tribes seized the opportunity to cause trouble all along the frontier and to attack the lines of communications of advancing British and Indian troops. In particular, the Mahsuds and Waziris were aroused and continued to provoke strong actions against them almost until the outbreak of the Second World War. 21 Curzon’s despotism, however benevolent

in Servants of the empire
Edward M. Spiers

The abrupt termination of military operations and railway building in the Eastern Sudan followed the rapid deterioration of Anglo-Russian relations after the Penjdeh Incident (23 March 1885), in which the Russians killed some 600 Afghans. 1 Arguably the ensuing rift was the closest that Britain and Russia came to war during the late nineteenth century as attention refocused upon the north-west frontier and the primacy of

in Engines for empire
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

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Chinese triads, Turkish families, and heroin
Stephen Snelders

group of users of Dutch and other ethnic backgrounds in the country. Chinese heroin supply by air was extended, while criminal anarchy manifested in increasing rivalry and armed violence between Chinese groups. In this fragmented situation Turkish and Kurdish crime families took over dominance of the heroin trade after 1980. These groups connected opium production in Afghanistan with heroin manufacture in Turkey and consumption in the Netherlands and elsewhere. They made use of the geographical and historical position of Turkey as a transit hub for

in Drug smuggler nation