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The tales destruction tells
Élisabeth Anstett and Jean-Marc Dreyfus

through which criminal methods are transmitted, including both the cu­ la­ tion of knowledge (as is the case with the doctrine of cir­ counter-insurgency warfare, the effects of which we can trace from Indochina and Algeria, where it was forged by the French military, to South America’s Plan Condor and South Africa’s apartheid) and the trans­fer of technologies and ‘know-how’. The latter include for example the crematoria of the German engineering company Topf & Söhne, of which the first version designed to work day and night was delivered to the NKVD (the People

in Destruction and human remains
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert

step further and promotes the site owners’ compilations of ‘Top 5 Ultras of the Week’, or ‘Top 10 Ultras of the Year’. For example, among the ten choreographies chosen for 2017 there were ultras performances from Argentina, Algeria, Denmark, Serbia and Greece. While these ‘charts’ are not the primary source of motivation for ultras groups, many will be aware that social media has become a powerful tool for presenting identity and mentality. They allow the presentation of the group, the team and the locale, to a global audience. Early analyses of online social

in Ultras
Enacting human rights in mental health care in Ghana
Ursula M. Read

century, including Accra Psychiatric Hospital, in French African territories, aside from Blida asylum in Algeria constructed in the 1920s, dedicated psychiatric facilities were not constructed until the final decade of colonial rule (Collomb, 1975 ). Before then some of those with suspected mental illness were shipped to asylums in France. The Fann clinic in Senegal, established as a pioneering model of humane psychiatric care in the region, was inaugurated in 1956, just four years before the country gained independence (Kilroy-Marac, 2019

in Global health and the new world order
Abstract only
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert

are shared and debated in public. Significantly, these styles have started to be displayed outside of the stadium in other public spaces. In Algeria young people started creating tifos and displaying them on an abandoned six-storey building to protest against the regime of Abdelaziz Bouteflika (Mezahi, 2019). The ultras style has moved full circle from political protests in the piazzas of Italy to the stadium, and back to political protests. Football also provides a space to expand social networks away from traditional family, friends and work colleagues. Putnam (et

in Ultras
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Al-‘imaara (the building) as topos
Mona Abaza

building) as topos 51 Notes 1 This point will be discussed later in Naguib Mahfouz’s Al-Qahira al-jadida (Modern Cairo) – specifically, how the European quarter becomes a space that allows greater sexual promiscuity, in contrast to the tight social control of the older quarters. 2 For one of the most visually intriguing works dissecting colonial phantasms of the harem in Algeria through postcards, see Alloula 1986. 3 Concerning the imprisonment of minors, see www.youtube.com/ watch?v=tQLUWNUVylw (accessed 14 May 2018) and www.youtube.com/watc h?v=S35ygVttECw

in Cairo collages
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert

making choreographies. In Morocco the first ultras groups formed in 2005 with the Green Boys at Raja Casablanca, Winners at Wydad Casablanca and Ultras Askary at FAR Rabat. Despite attempts to crack down on the ultras, the passion and intensity of the emotions in Moroccan stadiums is supplemented with spectacular choreographies, as well as the use of smoke bombs and pyrotechnics. A significant development has occurred in neighbouring Algeria, where choreographies by ultras have influenced political protests away from the stadium as protestors created large tifos on

in Ultras
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Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert

activism around football politics and changes to the game, ideological politics also feature in the activities of ultras. As Chapter 3 highlighted, the ultras emerged in a politically turbulent period of Italian history, and the paraphernalia of protests in the streets and piazzas was taken into the stadium. We have now come full circle and the same props are used to make political messages (Doidge, 2015a), including some use outside the stadium, as in Algeria (Mezahi, 2019). While most political messages are attributable to the football politics of Against Modern

in Ultras