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Dolto and the psychoanalytic approach to autism in France
Richard Bates

overlapped. Guattari was from a right-wing family – his father was a former member of the interwar extreme nationalist Croix de Feu – but he became active in the anti-Stalinist Left, organising protests against French colonialism in Vietnam and Algeria, and visiting China in 1954. 53 He came into contact with Oury through the Youth Hostel movement. In addition, Oury’s younger brother Fernand, an innovative pedagogue and educational reformer, had taught Guattari at lycée . (On Fernand, and his connection to Dolto, see Chapter

in Psychoanalysis and the family in twentieth-century France
Space, identity and power

This volume aims to disclose the political, social and cultural factors that influenced the sanitary measures against epidemics developed in the Mediterranean during the long nineteenth century. The contributions to the book provide new interdisciplinary insights to the booming field of ‘quarantine studies’ through a systematic use of the analytic categories of space, identity and power. The ultimate goal is to show the multidimensional nature of quarantine, the intimate links that sanitary administrations and institutions had with the territorial organization of states, international trade, the construction of national, colonial, religious and professional identities or the configuration of political regimes. The circum-Mediterranean geographical spread of the case studies contained in this volume illuminates the similarities and differences around and across this sea, on the southern and northern shores, in Arabic, Spanish, Portuguese, Greek, Italian, English and French-speaking domains. At the same time, it is highly interested in engaging in the global English-speaking community, offering a wide range of terms, sources, bibliography, interpretative tools and views produced and elaborated in various Mediterranean countries. The historical approach will be useful to recognize the secular tensions that still lie behind present-day issues such as the return of epidemics or the global flows of migrants and refugees.

Malika Ezzahidi

which limited demographic and economic growth and provoked crises of which chroniclers left accurate descriptions.8 After the severe outbreak during Moulay Ismail’s reign, which struck in the years 1678–80, Morocco showed signs of recovery, despite the fact that the disease was still diffused in Algeria and Tunisia until the end of the century. However, the epidemic reappeared again in March 1742, coming across the eastern border with Algeria, first striking Taza (a small city in the northeast) and subsequently spreading to all of the main northern cities including

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914
Hajj, cholera and Spanish–Moroccan regeneration, 1890–99
Francisco Javier Martínez

discourses on Algeria when he identified five ‘races’ in 88 Space Moroccan society: Arabs, Berbers, Moors, Blacks and Jews.105 However, while the French judged the dichotomy Arab–Berber as the defining feature of Algerian society, Murga highlighted the central role of the ‘Moors’ in Morocco. Following that trail, Óvilo considered the ‘Moors’ were ‘the most educated, rich and powerful part of the Maghreb […] all positions that entail honours and riches are occupied, in most cases, by these Moors, who exploit the members of other races only to be exploited themselves by

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914
Carol Helmstadter

British officer said, the cantinières were riding with them as if at a review. On the battlefield they provided drinks and first aid for the wounded gratis but they were basically entrepreneurs who sold alcohol and other provisions from their canteens or on horseback. The British soldiers found their tents a great attraction because they could get ‘most gloriously drunk’ there, as one British officer put it. 16 The cantinières were highly respected by the troops and very much a part of each regiment. For example, when the officers in Algeria

in Beyond Nightingale
Lea M. Williams

finished in connection with them–will take 2 weeks more before they are ready.” 113 With nothing to do but wait, La Motte traveled back to Zuydcoote, where an Algerian regiment was encamped, leading one nurse to comment that they were “simply surrounded by savages!” 114 Her only other observation of colonial troops was to remark at the end of the same entry that “we heard one Arab committed suicide today.” 115 She offers no speculation about why someone might make such a choice and never returns to this topic in her

in Ellen N. La Motte
Abstract only
Carol Helmstadter

nursing practice would make enormous changes. Adding to its lack of preparedness, the British army had not fought in a European war since 1815. By contrast, the French initially sent troops from Algeria who were hardened veterans of the contemporary colonial wars, and an efficiently functioning medical department. The Piedmontese were badly beaten by the Austrians in their first War for Independence in 1848–49, but nevertheless that war gave their army recent experience which it used well in the Crimea. The war began ostensibly over religious

in Beyond Nightingale
John Chircop

Mediterranean, the French Government in 1834 tried to convene an international conference, but without success.24 Subsequently, cholera erupted time and again in Construction of the ‘contagious Arab’ 203 epidemical waves, savaging Europe in 1848–49 (and then in 1854 and in the mid 1860s), following which the French Government, fretful about the vulnerability of its extensive national borders on the Mediterranean Sea to such diseases – made worse by its direct colonial contacts with Algeria – once again took the initiative to organise an International Sanitary Conference

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914
Christine E. Hallett

shall never forget one lurid night I  passed with three [French North African patients] and ten other patients, the Sister in charge being engaged elsewhere; one brown man had to have injections of huile camphrée hourly, another morphia whenever his pain became unbearable, and the third was coughing up his lungs all night, and died before morning. The other two lived to be moved to another ward, but not much longer.7 She comments, in the dry and somewhat patronising language of the British imperialist, on how ‘one Frenchman, belonging to the famous Algerian regiment

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
Abstract only
Mediterranean quarantine disclosed: space, identity and power
John Chircop and Francisco Javier Martínez

decreed by the Marquis of Pombal, Portugal’s first minister between 1750 and 1777, for preventing an unlikely Introduction 11 importation of plague from Algeria, actually served to reinforce his political power. On the other hand, she analyses how the establishment of a sanitary cordon on the frontier with Spain in 1800 for fear of importation of yellow fever from Cádiz was actually an instrument for the mobilisation and organisation of military forces against an eventual Spanish invasion. By contrast, another sanitary cordon set up in 1804 in the same frontier would

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914