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Shailja Sharma

be. Chirac had acknowledged state responsibility for the Vichy regime, and for the mass arrests of Jews in Vel’ d’Hiv in Paris in 1942. Most importantly, he had expressed regret at the May 1945 military attack on Algerian nationalists in Sétif, Algeria. This pattern of violent overreaction on the part of the French state was notoriously repeated in 1961 when French police in Paris attacked a pro-independence march by Algerian migrants. This ratonnade (attack against immigrants) has been a notorious historical reminder of French oppression in the minds of

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
Women as citizens
Shailja Sharma

legislation, [which] came to function as technologies of colonial modernity projected to deliver India from its backwardness’ (Prakash, 1997; Major, 2011). Similarly, in the case of women’s rights, the British abolition of the practice of sattee or suttee was seen as an example of colonial action against backwardness (Major, 2011). Colonial rulers defined their authority as stemming not from the ability to extract value by force but from their ability to establish modern and better ideas and institutions in the colonies. Promoting India or Algeria, for example, as a colony

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
The backlash against multiculturalism
Shailja Sharma

-mer. All Algerians had automatic French citizenship, just as Indians and East Africans (patrials) had British citizenship. After decolonization, while Britain continued its links with its former colonies through the creation of a cultural/economic British Commonwealth, the bitter Algerian War soured France on maintaining extended postcolonial ties. France, even more so than Britain, has failed to formulate for itself a coherent post-imperial national identity. Instead, it has continued the colonial practices of ethnic divide and rule towards its migrants, just as in the

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
Islam and the contestation of citizenship
Shailja Sharma

associated more with countries of origin than with tendencies within Islam. For example, the Paris Mosque was inaugurated in 1926 by the Sultan of Morocco. Until about 1982 it was mostly controlled by Algerians (Front de libération nationale, FLN) with close links to the Algerian Government, and mostly ignored by the Turks. After 1982 power over French mosques shifted to Moroccans, again closely connected to the Moroccan Government. Unlike formal, state-controlled mosques, smaller more informal religious organizations never provided an opportunity for Maghrebis to organize

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
Shailja Sharma

1 Challenges to national citizenship It is clear from the experience of the United States and Britain that the possession of full, formal citizenship does not impede the development of multiply disadvantaged ethnocultural minorities. (Brubaker, 1998, p. 137) An effect of the popularity of “multicultural” or postcolonial texts is the questioning of fixed and self-evident notions of nationality and citizenship. After decolonization, writers in newly independent countries like Kenya, India or Algeria made nationalism an important issue in their writing. This was

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
Chris Miller

reacts to terrorism with a blithe disregard for its own human-rights commitments. ‘When the Islamic party in Algeria wanted to practice democracy and won the election, you unleashed your collaborators in the Algerian army on them … a new lesson from the “American book of democracy” … your Ministry of Foreign Affairs issues annual reports containing statistics of those countries that violate Human Rights. However, all those values vanished when the mujahidin hit you [on 9/11] and you then implemented the methods of the same documented governments that you used to curse

in Religion and rights
Abstract only
Migrants into minorities
Shailja Sharma

about 8.7 per cent of the total population of 56 million. Among these, the largest minorities were Algerians, Moroccans, Turks and Africans, mostly from Introduction: migrants into minorities3 ex-colonies. INSEE estimated that the average immigrant’s standard of living was approximately 30 per cent below that of French citizens; immigrants scored much lower than native-born French on almost all benchmarks of well-being, from education to jobs to housing. Second and third generation minorities, although assimilated, scored about 12 per cent lower across the board

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
Keeping the crusades up to date
Christopher Tyerman

X evoked the saintly crusaders in his propaganda before the Algerian invasion of 1830. Under the Orleanist government after 1830, the crusades, now seen in Michaud-esque terms as a particularly French achievement, were employed as an image binding together the different strands of French society and politics. Louis-Philippe’s government sought to promote a glorious common past that embraced rich and poor, 106 EMPATHY AND MATERIALISM merchants and knights, clergy and laity in a unique show of French spirit and potential. This received tangible visual form in the

in The Debate on the Crusades
Christopher Tyerman

particular image had become in public discourse, one encouraged by political leaders from Charles X to Napoleon III. Under Louis-Philippe, almost overtly the crusades became government policy. The need to secure support for a monarchic regime that sat uneasily between royalist legitimacy and republican populism recruited the crusades both as a symbol of a shared history and as a mythic model for current action. During the 1830s, the Orleanist government vigorously pursued the conquest of Algeria under the guise of a civilising Christian mission. All five of Louis

in The Debate on the Crusades
A war of no compromises and compromises during war
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

led by regimes that had forsaken religion in favour of heretic ideologies. While the defeat had been predictable, it should not be credited to true Arabs but, rather, to Arabs possessed of a foreign outlook and leaders who disavowed their identity. The Islamist journalist Muhammad Jalal Kishk (1929–93) was quick to publish a new edition of his book about the West’s ‘ideological attack’, which in its original version had intended to attribute the achievements of the Algerian national struggle to a firm belief in Islam. He argued that the military defeat was an

in Zionism in Arab discourses