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George Joffé

Introduction The independent Algerian state was born through extreme violence and, during its more than five decades of independent existence, has experienced repeated episodes of violent political convulsion. Indeed, since 1980, violence has been the leitmotif of Algeria's political evolution and, since the mid-1980s, this has often taken the form of non-state terrorist extremism, 1 particularly during the 1990s when the country was plunged into civil war. Since the civil war ended at the start of the twenty-first century, the country has

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

. Whether fighting against occupation, authoritarianism, collaboration, forced labour, anti-Semitism or combinations thereof, both the internal resistance in France and Charles de Gaulle’s Free French, acting first from London and then from Algeria, developed piecemeal, but grew in the latter years of the period. Collaboration and resistance continue to form the dominant narratives of understanding war in France, although new works such as Daniel Lee’s study of Jewish youth in Vichy France explicitly seek to loosen the historiographical ties that these narratives have

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Lindsey Dodd

initiatives in Lille.84 However, many children did leave on various smaller-scale schemes. When heavy air raids began, a range of organisations stepped up to help Lille’s 22,000-strong school-age population.85 Thousands of children went to the département’s rural holiday camps during the summer months, while other organisations specifically targeted child victims of war.86 The Fondation Guynemer sent batches of fifty children ‘whose homes have been destroyed by the war’ to stay with members of the Légion française in Algeria,87 and by January 1942 the Swiss Secours aux

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45

This edited collection surveys how non-Western states have responded to the threats of domestic and international terrorism in ways consistent with and reflective of their broad historical, political, cultural and religious traditions. It presents a series of eighteen case studies of counterterrorism theory and practice in the non-Western world, including countries such as China, Japan, India, Pakistan, Egypt and Brazil. These case studies, written by country experts and drawing on original-language sources, demonstrate the diversity of counterterrorism theory and practice and illustrate that how the world ‘sees’ and responds to terrorism is different from the way that the United States, the United Kingdom and many European governments do. This volume – the first ever comprehensive account of counterterrorism in the non-Western world – will be of interest to students, scholars and policymakers responsible for developing counterterrorism policy.

Abstract only
Michael J. Boyle

constitutes some sort of threat to the authority of the state. The findings of this volume do not go that far. The case studies certainly acknowledge that there is a clear discursive element to terrorism. For example, Oscar Palma's analysis of how the term ‘narcoterrorism’ was created and sustained in Colombia in order to mobilize domestic constituencies and stakeholders in the American government suggests that the labelling process for terrorism is crucially important. Other case studies on Brazil, Algeria, Lebanon, Iran, Egypt and South Africa in this book suggest either

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Joseph Heller

Algeria, whose objective was to distance the West from Middle Eastern oil and end its influence over Turkey and Iran. Israel was the intended victim, on the Soviet assumptions that war would inspire the Arab world’s revolutionary regimes, UN intervention would be prevented by a Soviet veto and the Western powers, fearing direct Soviet involvement, would hesitate to intervene. 30

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Abstract only
Michael J. Boyle

negotiation is possible. This was particularly the case among governments composed of parties once described as terrorists during decolonization struggles, such as the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa and the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) in Algeria. These bitter memories led some leaders to point out that the definition of who was a ‘terrorist’ was notoriously changeable as the political winds blow. Although it took some time for the US to acknowledge this fact, the globalization of counterterrorism yielded a harsh lesson: that there was

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Joseph Heller

when he achieved military superiority, he said, and US aid to Nasser allowed him to devote himself to acquiring Soviet weapons. Peres was promised Israel’s air defense would be reconsidered. Additionally, China might enter the region, and the Algerian struggle for independence could enhance Arab unity. 29 Asked by Walt W. Rostow, Chairman of the Policy Planning Council of State, if he really doubted

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Joseph Heller

of anti-Semitism and anti-Israel incitement was a reaction to Israel’s support of France in Algeria. The conclusion was that Soviet policy toward its Jews and Israel was determined by the Arab factor, but was also a product of deep-rooted anti-Zionism. The Soviet Union waffled between four options: total assimilation of the Jews, concentrating them in Birobidzhan, cultural autonomy and, some in Israel

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Joseph Heller

the Arabs. 71 The State Department stressed that, even with their state-of-the-art weapons, Arab capabilities were not impressive and the Sixth Fleet could respond within 24–72 hours if Israel were attacked; in addition, it did agree that Israel needed new tanks. Moreover, the Kennedy administration was disabused of its illusions regarding Nasser. He was involved in Algeria, had introduced

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67