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This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.

Julie Gilson

T HE SHORT TITLE to this chapter conceals the host of complex geographical, historical, definitional and ideational factors inherent in any attempt to understand what is meant either by ‘security’ in a given region, or the very definition of ‘East Asia’ itself in this particular case. East Asia is not a legally definable entity; it is not bound

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Jaewoo Choo

2504Chap6 7/4/03 12:40 pm Page 105 6 The geopolitics of Central Asian energy Jaewoo Choo This chapter assesses the rising geostrategic and geoeconomic importance of Central Asian oil and natural gas for China and the United States – the most transparent source of Sino-American conflict in this region. The initial rationale for Chinese engagement in Central Asia, despite the emergence of China as a net oil-importing nation in 1993, was not driven by the search for an alternative and secure source of oil and natural gas.1 Rather, Chinese policy reflected a

in Limiting institutions?
A critical security appraisal
Marianne Hanson

, Russia and the US, all of which possess sizable arsenals and which show every indication that they will retain these indefinitely. While this book’s focus has been on a more limited designation of what constitutes the Asia-Pacific geographically, the current chapter broadens these geographic parameters to look also at US and Russian nuclear issues. This is done so in the belief

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Exception, not transformation
Malcolm Cook

Introduction The Obama administration was the first to put ASEAN at the centre of its Asia diplomacy. Gaining membership to the ASEAN-created and ASEAN-led East Asia Summit (EAS), achieved in 2011, was deemed a particularly important milestone. It is quite possible that the Obama administration may well become the only American administration to prioritise the EAS to such an extent. Up until the time of writing in early 2019, the Trump administration from 2017 reverted to a more typical US approach to Asia focused on Northeast Asia, bilateral relations and

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Autopilot, neglect or worse?
Nick Bisley

Introduction Donald Trump’s 2016 election threatened a revolution in US Asia policy. Since the early years of the Cold War, the United States has been a constant presence in the region’s security setting. 1 American military power has been the pre-eminent force in the region, organised through a series of bilateral alliances and quasi-alliance guarantees. This presence was part of the larger US Cold War grand strategy in which Washington sought to ensure a favourable strategic balance in Western Europe, the Middle East and East Asia. 2 Although the Obama

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Stephen R. Nagy

, namely Article 9 and a largely pacifist citizenry that is deeply against the use of the military and revision of the so-called pacifist constitution ( Miyashita, 2007 ). As a consequence of the decreasing efficacy of traditional tools of Japanese foreign policy such as economic incentives, regional challenges have deepened Tokyo’s view not only of the salience of the US–Japan security partnership, but also of the importance of deepening its partnerships in Southeast Asia through economic, political and security linkages ( Nagy, 2017 ). In line with this view, Japan

in Japan's new security partnerships
Stuart Horsman

2504Chap5 7/4/03 12:40 pm Page 86 5 Transboundary water management and security in Central Asia1 Stuart Horsman Central Asia is subject to a number of major environmental concerns, including the desiccation of the Aral Sea, the depletion and degradation of river and irrigation waters, and the consequences of Soviet and Chinese nuclear weapons testing at Semipalatinsk and Lop Nor, respectively. Riverine water, particularly when linked with irrigated land, is perhaps the only one of these environmental issues that demonstrates a ‘probable linkage between

in Limiting institutions?
Paul Midford

direct role in regional and international security and sent its military overseas for the first time since 1945; to ameliorate security threats, both traditional and non-traditional; to hedge against potential US abandonment; and to achieve a modicum of diplomatic independence ( Jishu Gaik ō in Japanese). It shows that Japan has even promoted multilateral security, and especially political, forums on several occasions that have excluded the US, as exemplified by the Hashimoto Doctrine, the ASEAN Plus Three (APT) Forum, and its promotion of Northeast Asian Cooperation

in Japan's new security partnerships
Robert Sutter

unpredictable, President Trump rarely used the language of the published strategies and continued cordial interchange with the Russian and Chinese leaders. Trump versus Obama: Diplomacy in Asia Soon after taking power in January 2017, the Trump administration unceremoniously announced the end of the Obama administration’s signature “Rebalance” policy in Asia. 2 Launched in 2011, that multifaceted policy was widely welcomed in Asia except notably by China, which took assertive and expansive actions in response that the Obama government was less than successful in

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific