How grave robbers, activists, and foreigners ended official silence about Stalin’s mass graves near Kiev
Karel C. Berkhoff
pre-war terror. (The
BBC and Reuters reported the burial of ‘some 2,000’ and ‘1,998
Official silence about Stalin’s mass graves 73
bodies, 474 of which were Poles’.) Four years later, on 30 June 2011,
the remains of 492 persons from fifteen other ‘Polish’ pits were
exhumed and reburied. It seems that the investigators deemed
the latter also victims from murders that took place in 1940, for
Przewożnik’s successor Andrzej Kunert concluded in 2012 that from
a total of 69 ‘Polish’ pits, the remains of ‘at least 1980 persons’ were
But some Memorial activists
A war of extermination, grave looting, and culture wars in the American West
families reminds me of the Armenian parents who sold their children
before their deaths during the 1915–16 Turkish genocide. See Kévorkian,
‘Earth, fire, water’.
A. L. Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1988), p. 218.
J. Hinde, ‘Invaluable resource or stolen property?’, Times Higher
Education Supplement, 21 September 2007.
‘Dutch return head of Ghana king’, BBC News, 23 July 2009, http://news.
bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/8165497.stm (accessed 7 July 2014).
M. Werry, ‘Moving objects (on the performance of the
Corpse, bodypolitics and contestation in contemporary Guatemala
Ninna Nyberg Sørensen
as ‘crimes of passion’ but
rather as carefully planned, staged and executed in struggles over
territorial control. As in regular war, violence against women serves
a highly symbolic purpose in the war on drug trafficking: it creates
cohesion within armed groups, reaffirms masculinity and is a form
of attacking ‘the enemy’s morale’ (Toledo 2011).
The BBC documentary Killer’s Paradise, based on several of the
cases mentioned above, was broadcast worldwide in May 2006.16
What shocked the world most was the matter-of-fact and trophy-like
explanations given by the young
to provide more extensive media exposure across a wider spectrum of news agencies
than the wife of the Bhutanese prime minister. Similarly, international news
crews from CNN and the BBC were afforded more care and attention, including
personal interviews with Bunker himself and guided tours of the campus and
surroundings, than domestic reporters or individuals affiliated to smaller media
outlets such as magazines and blogs. Media outlets, like the individuals who
witnessed the air-pump experiments, are imbued by their audiences with certain
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert
been accused of sectarianism through chants and pro-IRA
banners (BBC, 2017). In contrast, the logo of Rangers’ Union Bears
incorporates the Union Flag, rather than a Scottish flag. As with the
chosen moniker, it denotes that the group see themselves as part of the
union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Ultras culture always
adapts to local customs and traditions. History does not start anew
when a new group emerges – they adapt and build on existing cultural
Rather than detail a history of the ultras through their specific activities
in Ajmer District, Rajasthan, the largest state in India.5 A village of approximately
3,500 inhabitants, it is situated around 350 kilometres south-west of New Delhi.
It is one of the most recognisable NGOs in India and has a wide domestic and
international profile, having featured in the past in news reports on the BBC and
CNN, and in countless newspapers and magazines. It has built a worldwide
reputation for its various programmes, and in recent years its solar programme
in particular. Its reputation for grassroots development work has also seen it
visited by a
publication date: 19 July 2013.
Paul Addison, Now the War is Over: A Social History of Britain , 1945–51, London: BBC/Cape, 1985, 209.
A.L. Rowse, Times, Persons, Places, Essays in Literature , London: Macmillan, 1965, 3
located in Matabeleland’, SW Radio Africa, 19 October 2005; ‘Evidence
of “dirty war” lies far below’, Zimbabwe Independent, 29 September 2000;
‘Film reveals horror details of Ndebele massacre’, Nation (Kenya), 11
November 2007; ‘Tracking down a massacre’, BBC News, 7 May 2008.
According to The Standard, ZANU-PF was ‘whipping up people’s emotions ahead of an election it dearly wishes to force through this year’
(‘Sunday Comment: Unearth truth on human remains’, The Standard,
young people who are anxious as they feel
too financially insecure to be able to plan their future (BBC 2017). Living with
uncertainty means living in suspended time. Waiting has emerged as the shadow
temporality of neoliberalism.
Saskia Sassen’s analysis of globalisation (2006) was one of the earlier accounts
pointing out the partiality of the acceleration narrative. Sassen notes that ‘the
spatio-temporal orders usually associated with the global economy are elementary – hypermobility and space-time compression’ but argues that such conceptualisation ‘denud[es] the
getting out of hand are further supported by several incidents in France, Belgium, England, and throughout the Middle East, where patients have been allegedly killed by shaykhs trying to physically beat the jinn out of their bodies (see e.g. Philips 2007 : 200; Drieskens 2008 : 195ff; Daily Mail 2011, 2012 ; BBC News 2012 ; Huffington Post 2012 ). In these instances, the egos of patients are not only violated, but entirely eradicated.
However, it is clearly not only Muslim shaykhs who risk the health of their patients during acts of