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Bill Dunn

particularly strong case for seeing him as a product of and spokesperson for his class and nation. Keynes’s thinking was shaped during times of remarkable social and economic upheaval. Following an age of apparent stability and complacent British imperial hegemony, the period from 1914 to 1945 was one of drastic change. This ‘Thirty Years’ War’ (Dowd 2004 ) saw the end of the belle époque , of ‘liberal’ capitalism and of peace within the imperialist heartlands. Western capitalism descended into the Great Depression and sharpened class struggles. The Russian Revolution

in Keynes and Marx
Abstract only
Bill Dunn

of his political views. He wants to develop a more realistic theory, but even his most abstract work is oriented to providing a better guide to policy. Keynes can be seen as writing in the ‘advice to princes’ tradition, offering a better guide for rulers of the existing system. As usual with Keynes, there are ambiguities and his political stance is contested. Ostensibly this is odd because, although Keynes says some different things, he fairly consistently occupies a space bounded on the one hand by British liberalism, broadly understood to involve support for

in Keynes and Marx

The well-being of Europe’s citizens depends less on individual consumption and more on their social consumption of essential goods and services – from water and retail banking to schools and care homes – in what we call the foundational economy. Individual consumption depends on market income, while foundational consumption depends on social infrastructure and delivery systems of networks and branches, which are neither created nor renewed automatically, even as incomes increase. This historically created foundational economy has been wrecked in the last generation by privatisation, outsourcing, franchising and the widespread penetration of opportunistic and predatory business models. The distinctive, primary role of public policy should therefore be to secure the supply of basic services for all citizens (not a quantum of economic growth and jobs). Reconstructing the foundational has to start with a vision of citizenship that identifies foundational entitlements as the conditions for dignified human development, and likewise has to depend on treating the business enterprises central to the foundational economy as juridical persons with claims to entitlements but also with responsibilities and duties. If the aim is citizen well-being and flourishing for the many not the few, then European politics at regional, national and EU level needs to be refocused on foundational consumption and securing universal minimum access and quality. If/when government is unresponsive, the impetus for change has to come from engaging citizens locally and regionally in actions which break with the top down politics of ‘vote for us and we will do this for you’.

John Wilson

Ferranti International plc as the wronged party was British, all of the prosecutions arising from the Guerin Scandal were in American courts. Of course, several British agencies were involved in the investigations, including Scotland Yard’s Serious Fraud Squad, HM Customs & Excise, and the Inland Revenue, as well as Ferranti International executives and accountants from Coopers & Lybrand and Grant Thornton. British courts also granted Ferranti International various writs to sue Guerin and key ISC employees for the amounts allegedly siphoned off since 1987. Nevertheless

in Ferranti: A History
Jonathan Michie

for professional football in Britain – and subsequently increasingly of the market for the broadcasting rights for professional football, including for pay-TV in the form of both subscription channels and pay-per-view on an individual match basis – have thus been purposively constructed. Over time, it has also been deliberately changed, significantly, under the influence of internal and external pressures on the game. This has taken the form of the richer clubs breaking away from the existing league structure to create their own ‘Premier’ league. It has seen media

in Market relations and the competitive process
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Making do, rationing and nostalgic austerity
Alison Hulme

not on a religious faith, as with the Puritans, or on a strict moral code, as with the Victorians, or even on a spirit of self-​discovery such as with Thoreau, but on a new and powerful grounding –​ that of the fight for national survival. The thrift of the British populace during the Second World War is one of the strongest examples of frugality carried out in the national interest. Between 1940 and 1955 rationing was in place in Britain, gradually easing off as more and more products became available again following the end of the war in 1945. It was necessary due

in A brief history of thrift
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story exemplified … by Britain, later Japan, and the other countries that caught up [our italics]’. Figure 4.2 The CORE economics education curriculum

in Reclaiming economics for future generations
Bill Dunn

Britain and in the wartime negotiations with the US leading to, and at, Bretton Woods. Some of his followers already held important positions within the US administration. So there were direct Keynesian influences but these ran alongside and sometimes in competition with US geopolitical interests. This reading, of course, contrasts with the great importance Keynes attached to economic ideas, not least his own. As he famously put it, ‘sooner or later, it is ideas not vested interests, which are dangerous for good or evil’ ( 1973 : 383–4). But at least in the US, the

in Keynes and Marx
John Wilson

1 Ferranti by the mid-1980s Y THE MID-1980S, having effected a widely acclaimed recovery from the liquidity problems of the previous decade, Ferranti had become a significant member of the British corporate community. One might even go as far as to say that Ferranti was a microcosm of that heady decade dominated by privatisation, increasing dominance of the financial services sector and intense merger activity, alongside the introduction of new telecommunications technologies that were to have a profound impact on society over the following generation

in Ferranti: A History
Abstract only
John Wilson

UK governments of the 1970s and 1980s. While in the 1990s both countries refused to acknowledge any responsibility for the links Guerin built with South Africa, Iraq, Pakistan and China, all countries that were at that time on the United Nations embargo list, there is little doubt that successive American Presidents and British Prime Ministers were aware of his covert work in disseminating conventional weapons technology and equipment. In spite of various UK governmental inquiries in the 1990s, little of this has still to come to light, making it even more

in Ferranti: A History