This book is the first comprehensive study of Muslim migrant integration in rural Britain across the post-1960s period. It uses the county of Wiltshire as a case study, and assesses both local authority policies and strategies, and Muslim communities’ personal experiences of migration and integration. It draws upon previously unexplored archival material and oral histories, and addresses a range of topics and themes, including entrepreneurship, housing, education, multiculturalism, social cohesion, and religious identities, needs and practices. It challenges the long-held assumption that local authorities in more rural areas have been inactive, and even disinterested, in devising and implementing migration, integration and diversity policies, and it sheds light on small and dispersed Muslim communities that have traditionally been written out of Britain’s immigration history. It reveals what is a clear, and often complex, relationship between rurality and integration, and shows how both local authority policies and Muslim migrants’ experiences have long been rooted in, and shaped by, their rural settings and the prevalence of small ethnic minority communities and Muslim populations in particular. The study’s findings and conclusions build upon research on migration and integration at the rural level, as well as local-level migrant policies, experiences and integration, and uncover what has long been a rural dimension to Muslim integration in Britain.
Citizenisation processes are designed to redress the ‘citizenship deficit’ of migrants. However, an overlooked feature of theoretical and policy understandings of citizenisation is how they not only operate as a social intervention, as argued in the previous chapter. It is also how they shape definitions of the nation-state itself. This chapter turns to the history of British citizenship and to how the perceived ‘citizenship deficit’ of Britain has long since been the subject of political and scholarly discourse. Cast in this way, histories
Kingdom. We have come out of a sense of duty to God [and] to our country – one united, close-knit, Protestant family. Scotland must remain within the United Kingdom!
Let me remind you in this, the 100 th anniversary of the supposed ‘War to end all wars’, that side by side, as one nation, as one people, we fought, we suffered, we bled and died, as the red poppy of Flanders fields so poignantly reminds us. Have these poor nationalists – who are obsessed only with separation – learned nothing from the massacre of one million British soldiers, nothing about
How did the end of empire affect the projection of British identities overseas? British decolonisation is conventionally understood in terms of the liquidation of the colonial empire in the decades after the Second World War. But it also entailed simultaneous transformations to the self-representation of peoples and cultures all over the world, variously described as British, symbolised by the eclipse of the idea of ‘Greater Britain’. Originally coined by Charles Dilke’s 1868 travelogue of the same name, Greater Britain enjoyed widespread currency throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, before falling into disuse from the 1930s. But Greater British modes of thought, feeling and action persisted into the second half of the twentieth century, becoming embroiled in the global upheavals of imperial decline. Over a remarkably short time span, the ideas, assumptions and networks that had sustained an uneven and imperfectly imagined British world dissolved under the weight of the empire’s precipitate demise. Although these patterns and perspectives have been explored across a range of specific local and national contexts, this collection is the first to examine the wider mesh of interlocking British subjectivities that unravelled at empire’s end.
3 British communists and Palestine
Despite its relatively small membership in relation to the Labour Party, the
Communist Party of Great Britain took a leading role in anti-colonial campaigns.
While the Labour Party between the wars put forward policies to reform the
Empire through economic development and administrative training in the
colonies, the international communist movement advised communist parties to
support nationalist struggles seeking to throw off imperial rule. There were
subsequently fluctuations in the communist movement’s position on the role
The next two chapters explore the
consequences of the Conservative Party’s growing interest in the
legal reform of trade unions and industrial relations as a response to
what was commonly referred to as ‘the British disease’
(Taylor 1999 , 151–186). This period
embraces the Wilson Governments (1964–70), the Heath Government
This study examines how the diverse strands of the British left have interpreted the conflict in Palestine. From being overwhelmingly supportive of the Zionist movement’s effort to build a Jewish state in Palestine and welcoming Israel’s establishment the left, in the main, has become increasingly critical of Israel. The Labour Party, for much of its history, had portrayed Zionist settlement as a social democratic experiment that would benefit both Jews and Arabs. Its leaders turned a blind eye to the Zionist movement’s sectarian practices which through its trade union and agricultural co-operatives aimed to build an exclusively Jewish economy. The rise of fascism in Europe and the Holocaust reinforced the party’s support for Jewish state building in Palestine. The British Communist Party was by contrast critical of Zionism but in 1947, following the lead given by the Soviet Union, endorsed the United Nations’ partition of Palestine and subsequently ignored the plight of the Palestinian refugees. It was not until the rise of the new left, in the late 1960s, that Palestinian nationalist aspiration found a voice on the British left and began to command mainstream attention. The book examines the principal debates on the left over the Palestine/Israel conflict and the political realignment that they have helped to shape.
their open-top car.
It was, Mrs Fisher later wrote, ‘one of the proudest moments of
my life. The streets were thickly lined with people. We had to wave back
to them and I tried to be like the Queen.’ 6
The reception the Fishers received places their visit
squarely within the political, social and cultural worlds of Greater
Britain. It illustrates how cultures of Britishness survived into the
as the heart of the British political system. 9 Whoever could gain a majority in the House of Commons could determine the outcome of public policy.
The result was the emergence of an eponymous form of government – the Westminster parliamentary system. Organised mass-membership political parties developed as a result of a mass franchise and fought under the first-past-the-post electoral system for the spoils of electoral victory. The system facilitated, though did not guarantee, two-party conflict, with one side becoming the government and the other forming an
A history of the US nuclear presence in Britain from its origins in 1946 through to the run-down of strategic forces following the Cuba crisis and the coming of the missile age. The book deals with the initial negotiations over base rights, giving a detailed treatment of the informal and secret arrangements to establish an atomic strike capability on British soil. The subsequent build-up is described, with the development of an extensive base network and the introduction of new and more advanced types of bomber aircraft. Relations with the British during these developments are a central focus but tensions within the USAF are also dealt with. The book recounts the emergence of the UK as a nuclear power through prolonged negotiations with the US authorities. It deals in detail with the arrangements for RAF aircraft to carry US nuclear weapons, and the development of joint strike planning. A concluding chapter provides a critical assessment of the UK role in the Anglo-American nuclear alliance.