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Constructing the Congo
Joanne Yao

wars also resulted in large numbers of Kongolese being transported across the Atlantic in the slave trade – and Thornton narrates how Kongolese political philosophy on the constitutional limitations of monarchy also traveled with them to the Caribbean, where it influenced the Haitian Revolution. These brief vignettes cannot possibly do justice to the diversity and sophistication of the history, ideas, and institutions that filled from this supposedly ‘empty’ geography. Indeed, by 1885, the Congo basin had become an international site of competing

in The ideal river
The ‘rude awakenings’ of the Windrush era
Stuart Ward

‘wake up call’. 14 A broadly similar pattern of existential rift and re-examination was identified by Mike and Trevor Phillips in their pioneering survey of the memories and impressions of post-war Caribbean migrants: Back in the Caribbean the migrants had been brought up to perceive British power as part

in The break-up of Greater Britain
Abstract only
The anatomy of break-up
Stuart Ward

Australia to Canada, South Africa, the Caribbean, Hong Kong and the Falkland Islands, relatively little attention has been paid to the wider mesh of interlocking British subjectivities that unravelled at empire’s end. 28 This book offers no clear resolution to the problem of how the end of empire contributed to the loosening bonds of Britishness in the United Kingdom; indeed, the metropolitan context is

in The break-up of Greater Britain
Decoloniality from Cape Town to Oxford, and back
Stephen Howe

occasionally existing uneasily, informally, even semi-secretly within it. Good examples might include Présence Africaine in Paris or the New World group in the Caribbean. Where the protagonists were university teachers or students, although they were of course likely to be very critical of existing power structures and regimes of knowledge, and regard the institution as a site for political struggle

in The break-up of Greater Britain
Greater Britain in the Second World War and beyond
Wendy Webster

suitable European women from the Colonies for enrolment into the ATS’ but emphasised that ‘this applies to European women only and … we cannot agree to accept coloured women for service in this country’. Later in 1943, and only under pressure from the Colonial Office, the War Office conceded that a limited number of black women from the Caribbean could be enlisted. 25 The effectiveness of propaganda varied

in The break-up of Greater Britain
Andrew Preston

planning in earnest in the weeks following Munich. 55 In essence, his plan was a revival of the original purpose of the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which had intended to keep the newly independent American republics throughout the western hemisphere from being recolonised by the European powers. In the intervening century, the Monroe Doctrine had also become a justification for the imposition of American hegemony in the Americas, particularly in Central America and the Caribbean, but Roosevelt had repudiated that imperial past with his Good Neighbor Policy of 1933. The

in The Munich Crisis, politics and the people
Mass migration from Britain to the Commonwealth, 1945–2000
Jean P. Smith

French. 51 The loan programme was also extended to immigrants from Commonwealth countries in the Caribbean in 1966 and worldwide from 1970, although a 6 per cent interest rate was introduced in 1967, contributing to a dramatic drop in the loans granted. 52 These changes provided greater access to Canada for immigrants from countries beyond western Europe and the United States, although it was often

in The break-up of Greater Britain
Abstract only
Jonathan Moss

of paid work were a crucial component to their sense of who they were, and why they engaged in workplace activism in the past. Indeed, it was the fact that they had sacrificed leisure time and other more enjoyable elements of their lives to provide for their families that generated anger when work was taken away from them, or undermined in relation to skill and wages. A final point to be made here is that it is important to recognise that the workforce was racialised as migration from Asia and the Caribbean changed the character of the female labour force. Black

in Women, workplace protest and political identity in England, 1968-85
Jonathan Moss

also varied along racial lines. On a national level, 63.5 per cent of Asian and Caribbean women worked in manual occupations in 1972, whilst 45 per cent of white women were similarly employed.14 Industrial decline and the corresponding expansion of employment in managerial, professional and service sectors is understood to have had an emasculating effect on working-class men; however, less is known about the effects of deindustrialisation on women’s attitudes towards paid work.15 Women’s work in public debates The implications of women’s increased labour force

in Women, workplace protest and political identity in England, 1968-85
Jonathan Moss

action compared to the Ford sewing machinists considered in the previous chapter. A consequence of this was that the equal pay strike was perceived as novel at the time and represented a break from the past in the stories told by my interviewees. Although industrial relations at Trico had been non-conflictual, the surrounding area covered by the Brent and Southall district trades councils had experienced some distinct political battles in the period leading up to the strike. A large number of south Indian and Afro-Caribbean emigrants had settled in the area during the

in Women, workplace protest and political identity in England, 1968-85