Reformatory and industrial schools and twentieth-century Ireland
result of the deplorable actions of some brothers, or by the inaction and inappropriate action of the congregation as a whole’ (Collins, 2009 ). This was in contrast to what the Report had noted as the conditional and partial apologies, or in some cases, the absence of any apology, that characterised the response from the majority of the congregations when the Commission was first established. The Report can be seen as the culmination of nearly two decades of ‘scandals’ that subjected, in particular, the various congregations of the CatholicChurch, to widespread
association was guaranteed under the Weimar constitution (Article 159). Political parties were usually closely associated with particular interests: the Communist and Social Democratic parties with their trade unions and other working-class organisations; the Centre party with the Catholicchurch; the right-wing parties, including the German People’s Party (the national liberals), with business and commercial interests or with agrarian interests; the German Democratic Party (the left-wing liberal party) with trades and professions and with white-collar employees such as
the case that the Stuart kings in exile had significant influence in the selection of the senior personnel of the Catholicchurch. The eighteenth-century papacy effectively allowed European Catholic kings to nominate many of the bishops in their national churches, and the Catholicchurches in the British Isles were no exception. Because the papacy regarded them as the true kings of the three kingdoms, James II and VII and his son thus played a considerable part in choosing the men who ran the underground Catholicchurch, and they steered the process towards
Jacobites to adapt to life on the Continent because of the social environment in those countries where Jacobites were most welcome. The majority of Jacobite exiles settled in France, Italy and Spain (in that order) – three of the most intensely Catholic countries in Europe. The Catholicchurch in these countries never sought to persecute the exiled Protestant Jacobite community, but there was some friction, for example over the obstinate refusal of Louis XIV to allow Protestant services at St Germain and the equally obdurate refusal of the Parisian church authorities to
’s right to work.
Although the Constitution proclaimed that marriage was based on the equality of the sexes, the Civil Code of 1900 was not amended, and it was to be 1975 before the Federal Republic enacted a law granting men and women equality in marriage. 6 Any attempt to improve women’s status within marriage, to improve the status of illegitimate children or to amend the divorce laws was fiercely opposed by the CatholicChurch, and the Protestant and Catholic women’s organisations continued to act as the guardians of the nation’s moral standards and the
Shane Kilcommins, Susan Leahy, Kathleen Moore Walsh, and Eimear Spain
unique position of the CatholicChurch in Irish society (Mahon, 1996 : 187). Although granted the vote six years before British women (Burke, 1999 : 24), Irish women were relegated to a subordinate position both in public and in private life after Independence. 5 The State, by allowing the Church to provide social services, allowed women to be abused 6 and exploited. 7
Notwithstanding the difficulties encountered in challenging the unique position of the Church, the Irish Women's Liberation Movement was quick to embrace the radical feminist approach. The first
Love and (same-sex) marriage in the twenty-first century
attitudes and behaviour; reflected in a 2004 government- commissioned public consultation on the family which ‘found that most people do not want the traditional nuclear family as a model for policy-makers, that the nuclear family itself is effectively a myth’ (Bacik, 2004 :66).
One factor in these changing patterns was the disruption of the power of the CatholicChurch during the latter part of the twentieth century (Inglis, 1998 ), brought about mostly by the actions of the media, and a few lone individuals whose stories shook the religious faith of the nation
minister were brusquely rejected. Only by parading his spotless commitment to the Catholicchurch (something it was always best for Jacobite princes to underplay for British consumption) was James able to persuade Pope Benedict XIII to intervene on his behalf, thereby forcing Clementina to emerge from the convent where she had taken refuge. 34 In a similarly exploitative vein, in 1740 (by which time Spain and Britain were at war) José Carillo de Albornoz, Conde de Montemar, ostentatiously invited Marischal and Ormonde to Madrid to discuss a projected invasion of Britain
by the commitment of the CatholicChurch, which led to the birth of new organisations in Europe. Examples of Catholic-inspired bodies were the Société Antiesclavagiste de France, the Société Antiesclavagiste de Belgique and the Società Antischiavista d’Italia, which all began work in the 1880s. The European organisations regarded the eradication of slavery from regions of Africa as a shared aim, which had to be pursued by all those who had ‘a true understanding of human dignity and solidarity’. 34 There was active cooperation, then, between the different societies
Protestant areas, and Usborne believes that the Protestant Church came to accept birth control because it was so widely practised, while in the CatholicChurch lack of agreement led at the end of 1930 to Pope Pius XI’s encyclical Casti Connubii , which condemned the use of artificial contraception and abortion. 53 The national birth rate reached a nadir of 14.7 in 1933, before rising to 20.4 in 1939 as the Nazis closed down the birth control clinics and sex reform organisations and attempted to restrict access to contraception for racially valuable women while also