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research and with a list of certain areas that interested me, broadly following the themes of this book’s chapters: expecting bombing, experiencing bombing, explaining bombing and evaluating bombing. The book is therefore influenced by my initial conceptualisation of the shape of a bombing experience, and by what people told me; this also explains some of the gaps. For example, where is the Catholic Church in this study? It was involved in the aftermath of air raids, but nobody I spoke to mentioned the Church’s role. They spoke of their own prayers and of God, but not of
had someone close to them killed or injured in the conflict. 1 These statistics provide us with some indication of the experience of pain of the republican community. The authors also remark that the pain of the wider Catholic church-going community is greater than that of the Protestant church-going population: ‘Among churchgoers, Catholics are three times more likely to have been intimidated and
bipartisan territorial allegiances. Differing findings have also emerged with respect to the impact of segregated schooling on communal divisions. While many observers have long pointed to its potential harmful effects on community relations (Darby et al. , 1977 ; Murray, 1985 ), religious authorities, most notably the Catholic Church, remain unconvinced. Since the foundation of
), Social Attitudes in Northern Ireland: The Fourth Report 1994–1995 (Belfast: The Appletree Press Ltd, 1995), p. 30). 5 This conclusion is in keeping with the views of Mary Harris, The Catholic Church and the Foundation of the Northern State (Cork: Cork University Press, 1993), p. 16. Harris
Catholic Church’s emphasis on regular attendance by its members. The impact of these factors indicates that two parallel processes are now underway in the Catholic and Protestant churches. Within the Catholic Church, declining religious conviction is reflected in declining church attendance, once the characteristic that set the church apart from the main Protestant denominations. Among members of the
). Few former prisoners cite the Catholic Church as a crucial element in their political formation at any stage during the conflict. Some display hostility to the Catholic Church for, as an IRA urban woman former prisoner claimed, ‘letting our people down big time’ with a lack of support (this prisoner was sharply critical of the Church’s failure to condemn strp-searches) but indifference was a more
attitudes or roundly criticise the Roman Catholic Church and on occasions people at large appear to embrace untheological values. The IRA and loyalist paramilitaries do not target religious personnel. Catholic churches have remained relatively inviolate. National preferences are autonomous of religious beliefs. People in Northern Ireland made it clear in a
. Interviewee 12 views Protestant bigotry in terms of Protestants’ fear of Catholicism as a faith and a religious system (for ‘theological, tribal and all sorts of reasons’) whereas he claims that Catholics are not afraid of the Protestant faith or religious system. Protestants are paranoid about ‘Fenianism’ – a conglomeration of Sinn Fein, the SDLP, the Catholic Church, the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA
overestimated. Our analyses show that attendance at either an informally or formally integrated school has significant positive long-term benefits for community relations. Individuals who report attending an integrated school are more likely to interact with others across the religious divide. Despite these benefits, the widespread introduction of integrated education will not be an easy task; the Catholic
process between the government and the guerrillas had come to an end. On this date, after President Pastrana announced the breakdown of the peace process, the Catholic Church, business leaders, the media, and national and international public opinion created a consensus about the failure of peace in Colombia. The end was not interpreted as the specific failure of one of many negotiations throughout the