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Susan O’Halloran

letters page that supporting a nationalist and militaristic struggle led mainly by men was not the place of a feminist or socialist. I replied it was not anti-feminist for working-class women and girls in Catholic communities to take part with the men and boys of their families fighting the violence of the British State in their streets. While I shared the critics’ contempt for masculine politics of violence and heroics, I thought they overlooked the fact that the main force which Catholic women had to face daily was the machismo and arrogance of British soldiers. For

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
David Thackeray

For agents’ criticisms see the various pieces that appeared in the Conservative Agent’s Journal during 1919–20, particularly July 1919, p. 19; August 1919, p. 5; June 1920, p. 6; April 1922, p. 6; for a rare example of female criticism of nonparty organisations in Home and Politics see ‘Women’s conference’, November 1920, p. 4. 54 Brian Harrison, ‘For church, queen and family: the Girls’ Friendly Society, 1874–1920’, Past and Present, 61:1 (1973), 107–38; Caitriona Beaumont, ‘Moral dilemmas and women’s rights: the attitude of the Mothers’ Union and Catholic Women’s

in Conservatism for the democratic age
Open Access (free)
Competing claims to national identity
Alex J. Bellamy

well in the conservative and Catholic women’s groups that sprung up throughout Croatia shortly after the collapse of communism. The re-traditionalisation revolution also fed into the fascist Party of Rights (HSP) programme in the 1990s. Dobroslav Paraga, leader of the HSP, accused Tuœman of being a weak leader and a bad Croat because of his former links with the League of Communists: traditional Croats, we were told, never accepted communism or Yugoslavism. Another concept used by liberal intellectuals to describe social changes in 1990s Croatia was ‘ruralisation’.10

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Aaron Edwards

soldiers onto the streets of Northern Ireland as a preventive measure to quell inter-communal disturbances between Catholic nationalists and Protestant unionists. The troops were initially welcomed by the minority Catholic community after the souring of its relationship with the RUC, despite later attempts by republicans to play down the significance of the Catholic women who offered them tea and sandwiches.13 While the British State had clear responsibilities upon the outbreak of loyalist and republican violence, London instead chose to continue its support for the

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
Abstract only
Spectres of the past in recent Northern Irish cinema and television

for the prisons dispute, accompanied by the sound of Catholic women rattling bin lids on the street outside their homes, by that stage a traditional means of protest and a warning to republican volunteers of the presence of British military personnel. This cacophony of sound will prove to be an aberration in a film largely characterised by prolonged periods of silence. 31 The opening passage sees the arrival of a young republican Davey Gillen in Her Majesty’s Prison Maze/Long Kesh. 32 Having declared he is a political

in Northern Ireland a generation after Good Friday