, and the
reverse is the case in eight. However, in only four do Roman Catholics outnumber
Protestants – Belize, Canada, Grenada and St Lucia.
The realms collectively constitute, then, a population of subjects of the monarch that are predominantly Christian of unknown degrees of commitment
but with a substantial minority with other religions, no recorded religion or no
religion. The two largest Christian denominations, Anglicanism and Roman
Catholicism, each have the attachment of about one-fifth of the combined
population, but the Anglican support is heavily
characteristics, its sympathies
and antipathies, its notions of things, its line of conduct, and so on; and all
these things go to make up what is called the national character of a people’.68
For Burke and his contemporaries in the Irish Catholic Church, Irishness
was defined as membership of the Catholic faith which accepted a Catholic
mindset. The corollary of this nationally circumscribed Catholicism was a
political culture which embraced authoritarian authority, hierarchical values
and deferent conservatism.
In the wake of the ‘Devotional Revolution’ in the late nineteenth
Church, in a word: Catholics. The most common adjective for Catholic was ‘outlandish’, states Linda Colley in her famous work Britons: Forging the Nation (Colley, 1992 : 320), and the outland where they lived was, naturally, the continent of Europe. As these Catholics were often literally the enemy (notably the Spanish and French, who figured in countless wars), it did not take long for Catholicism to be firmly associated with European hostility, European immorality and European otherness. The religious schism of the English reformation developed over time into a
Crisis, what crisis? The Catholic Church
during the Celtic Tiger years
Any book purporting to offer a socio-cultural critique of the Celtic Tiger
cannot fail to deal with the thorny issue of Irish Catholicism. There is a
commonly held belief that the Celtic Tiger hastened a wave of aggressive
secularism that proved fatal to the hallowed status of organized religion
in Ireland, and particularly to the majority faith, Roman Catholicism.
However, such a perspective fails to recognize the steady decline in vocations to the priesthood from the beginning
Northern Ireland is no longer the relentless headline-maker in the global media it once was, when multiple killings and bombings provided a daily diet of depressing news and images. This book commences with a review of the literature on essentialism and then in the three domains: what has come to be known as 'identity politics'; the nature of nationalism; and power-sharing models for divided societies. It draws out implications for key aspects of the Northern Ireland problem. The book is based on secondary sources on Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (B-H). A key resource is the independent journalistic network in the Balkans responsible for the production of Balkan Insight, successor to the Balkan Crisis Report, a regular e-mail newsletter. The book explores how policy-makers in London and Dublin, unenlightened by the benefit of hindsight, grappled with the unfamiliar crisis that exploded in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s. It shows that a taken-for-granted communalism has had very negative effects on societies recently driven by ethnic conflict. The book argues that conflicts such as that in Northern Ireland can only be adequately understood within a broader and more complex philosophical frame, freed of the appealing simplifications of essentialism. More than a decade on from the Belfast agreement, the sectarian 'force field' of antagonism in Northern Ireland remained as strong as ever. Unionism and nationalism may be antagonistic but as individual affiliations 'Britishness' and 'Irishness', still less Protestantism and Catholicism, need not be antagonistic.
English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.
In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
This work demonstrates that resistance to occupation by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Second World War has to be seen through a transnational, not a national, lens. It explores how people often resisted outside their country of origin because they were migrants, refugees or exiles who were already on the move. It traces their trajectories and encounters with other resisters and explores their experiences, including changes of beliefs, practices and identities. The book is a powerful, subtle and thought-provoking alternative to works on the Second World War that focus on single countries or on grand strategy. It is a ‘bottom up’ story of extraordinary individuals and groups who resisted oppression from Spain to the Soviet Union and the Balkans. It challenges the standard chronology of the war, beginning with the formation of the International Brigades in Spain and following through to the onset of the Cold War and the foundation of the state of Israel. This is a collective project by a team of international historians led by Robert Gildea, author of Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance (Faber & Faber, 2015). These have explored archives across Europe, the USA, Russia and Israel in order to unearth scores of fascinating individual stories which are woven together into themed chapters and a powerful new interpretation. The book is aimed at undergraduates and graduates working on twentieth-century Europe and the Second World War or interested in the possibilities of transnational history.
. 63). Yet the country changed
beyond recognition from the 1990s onwards. On the one hand, it seems
that the Irish religious market evolved from being monopolistic to
becoming more pluralistic. On the other hand, Catholicism itself, and
people’s understanding of what it means to be a Catholic in contemporary Ireland, evolved from a strict adherence to Roman precepts to
more individualized perceptions. In the words of Tom Inglis, the major
transformation may have been that ‘the dominant Catholic habitus of
self-denial’ was gradually ‘transformed into a culture of