monarchy had been bested by a body with some claim to represent the country and from now on monarchs ignored public sentiment at their peril. Consequently, the attempts of James II to introduce Catholicism to what was now, largely, a Protestant nation repelled the political class in his own country. William of Orange was approached by seven leading politicians – Whig and Tory – and invited to overthrow his father-in-law. This was an astonishing act of treason according to one point of view, but it is always the victors who write the history and, in 1689, William
Reformatory and industrial schools and twentieth-century Ireland
contributed to the prevalence of abuse in church-run institutions. For Fagan ( 2009 :24), ‘[t]hat Catholic Ireland could allow the institutionalised physical and sexual abuse that occurred in so many of our institutions for over six decades raises questions about the quality of our Catholicism … We need to recognise the bad theology that was such a negative feature of our religion, unquestioned for centuries, and face up to the challenge of renewal’. However, it is not clear how bad theology, rather than poor formation of personnel and rigid hierarchical systems, could
Protestant exiles found themselves in a more alien environment and many seem to have struggled to cope. Certainly, of all the categories of patrician exiles, the most likely to despair and seek, often desperately, to return home, were the Protestants. 10
There was, of course, a way out of the problem: conversion to Roman Catholicism. And in order to take up commissions in the French and Spanish armies, make themselves eligible to marry noble French, Italian and Spanish brides, or simply the better to get on with their new lives in France, Italy or Spain, some
the law in all three kingdoms, and were likely to be consistently favoured in terms of royal patronage, appointments to public office and army commissions. James, moreover, was not shy about openly expressing his hope that this favourable regime would lead to a tide of conversions to Catholicism among the Protestant communities of the British Isles. 4
What the king failed to appreciate was how appalling such a prospect was not just to a great many (if not the great majority) of his most powerful noble subjects, but also to the vast majority of plebeian
settlement effectively locked the Jacobites’, ‘pious, deeply Catholic kings … in a political settlement designed to accomodate the prejudices of their pious, deeply Protestant adherents’. 29 Such commitments naturally grated, but James sourly stuck with them and his son simply took them as read. Nonetheless the manifest clash between the exiled royal family’s pious Catholicism and the agenda they were committed to upholding created ongoing religious tension within the movement. 30 And therein lay one of the major causes of the political paranoia that was to characterise
proceedings ( see document 10 ). Seeing the opportunity to pose as the guardian of true, intransigent Catholicism, the Spanish court and its unofficial agent at Rome, Alberoni (who was also in Walpole’s pay), seized it with both hands and openly declared in favour of the (genuinely) maltreated Queen Clementina. Their intervention and support for Clementina considerably compounded James’s marital problems. Clementina’s resistance was reinforced by the Spanish intervention, and his attempts at a compromise and reconciliation short of the dismissal of the offending tutor and
The challenge of Dónal Óg Cusack’s ‘coming out’ to heteronormativity in contemporary Irish culture and society
Debbie Ging and Marcus Free
throughout much of the nationalist community.
Dónal Óg Cusack may have little regard for such religious symbolism – he is keen to point out in Come What May that his religion and the religion of Cloyne was and always will be hurling, not Catholicism. However, as his playful juxtaposition of celebration, beatings and sacred ground indicates, his ostensible adherence to a traditional, virile and grounded type of masculinity may well explain the widespread acceptance of his sexuality.
In spite of both Anderson’s ( 2002 ) and Griffin’s (1998 in Southall et
finance to the King as a lever to acquire influence over law-making and guarantees of fair government. Inevitably, monarchs became exasperated by the need to heed their Parliaments, but when Charles I tried to rule without its authority and support, the Civil War resulted, which led to the King’s execution in 1649.
Thereafter, Parliament was always ultimately in command. Later in that century, when James II tried to favour his adopted faith of Catholicism, seven leading public men invited William of Orange to invade. In retrospect, this was an astonishing and
Georg Simmel (1858–1918) was born in, and remained for almost his entire life a dedicated resident of, Berlin, one of the fastestgrowing and most rapidly changing cities in Europe at the time. His father, who owned a chocolate factory, was a Jewish convert to Catholicism, while his mother, likewise of Jewish background, was a Protestant, as was Georg Simmel himself. His father died when Simmel was still a child. He grew up solidly middle class, but not particularly wealthy. Simmel studied history and philosophy at Berlin University, where he began to be
stay in France, though his mother, Mary of Modena, was permitted to remain in residence at St Germain, her home since 1688. James tried a ploy, which was to move to Avignon, at this time a papal enclave entirely surrounded by France. The British government was, however, determined to drive him south into Italy in order to underscore his Catholicism, which could then be used for propaganda purposes; and to keep the British sweet as well as for his own reasons the Regent demanded that James leave the city. James finally agreed only after the Regent cut off the pension