the years between the First World War and the Second World War.
American and European Catholics began strongly positing the need for greater transatlantic ties in the years immediately following the First World War. Scholars have just begun to demonstrate the transatlantic turn of Roman Catholicism after the First World War. Though the subject is certainly too vast to address in its fullness here, a few factors deserve special mention. First, the growing visibility and internationalization of the Holy See, which by the early post-war years had
Crisis, what crisis? The Catholic Church
during the Celtic Tiger years
Any book purporting to offer a socio-cultural critique of the Celtic Tiger
cannot fail to deal with the thorny issue of Irish Catholicism. There is a
commonly held belief that the Celtic Tiger hastened a wave of aggressive
secularism that proved fatal to the hallowed status of organized religion
in Ireland, and particularly to the majority faith, Roman Catholicism.
However, such a perspective fails to recognize the steady decline in vocations to the priesthood from the beginning
ago is also strongly present among Scottish Orangemen today. And as Buckley rightly points out, the importance of such exceptionalist logic does not depend on whether it was taken to offer historical or allegorical truths, but rather depends upon how it provides ‘object lessons’ (ibid.: 24) about ‘a fixed relationship … between Catholicism and Protestantism’ (ibid.: 14) via stories about ‘the difficulties faced by God’s chosen people when dealing with heathens, foreigners and other villains’ (ibid.). Indeed, whether or not one took the claim that British Protestants
sought to restore France to a position of prominence and to locate himself as the arbiter of the European balance of power (Richardson 1994 : 80). Similar to Britain, France had colonial interests in the Mediterranean and the Middle East and did not want Russia to dominate lines of communication and trade in the Black Sea and Dardanelles. Additionally, with its history of republican politics and its support for Catholicism, France viewed reactionary and Orthodox Russia with suspicion (Figes 2012 : 5–8). Military victory over Russia in the Crimea and a seat on the
unity and the subsequent necessity of extirpating any form of separatist threat. At the top of the Francoist regime's agenda was the perceived moral and political imperative of ridding the population of all elements incompatible with its quasi-mystical vision of Spain. Traditional Catholicism, fierce nationalism and intense aversion to all politically motivated acts merged into the ideal of an organic and unified society free of political dissent and liberal ideas that could destroy Spain's high moral criteria and way of life. Francoists laid an almost mystical
old Dominions, especially
Australia, increased. As shown in the second section, English Anglicans
feared that the Church was losing ground to Catholics,
Australia’s second largest Christian denomination: a latter-day
expression of an anti-Catholicism that had been fundamental to ideas of
Britishness in earlier periods and which had been articulated by
‘ultra-Protestant’ elements within Britain and the
This book offers the first ever ethnography of the Orange Order in Scotland via an in-depth analysis of ‘The Good’ of exceptionalism. While stylistically similar to Freemasonry, the Orange Order differs in being a strictly Protestant-only fraternity committed to preserving the Reformation and the constitutional union of the United Kingdom. Established in late eighteenth-century Ulster, the Order today is not only ultra-Protestant and ultra-unionist, but, according to critics, is also deeply sectarian, viewing Roman Catholicism as a despotic religious-cum-political ‘menace’ dedicated to destroying Great Britain. Through a fine-grained anthropological account of Orangeism during the Scottish independence debate, this book takes readers inside Scotland’s most infamous fraternal organisation – an organisation which members refer to not as a secret society, but as a ‘society with secrets’. What, according to these Scottish Orangemen, should a good Protestant life look like? By drawing on new literature within the anthropology of ethics and morality, this book answers this central question by examining the culture of Scottish Orangeism in the widest possible sense, assessing the importance not only of loyalist marches and unionist political campaigning, but also Orange gossip and fraternal drinking, the performance of ritual and secrecy, celebrations of football fandom and sectarian hate, as well as the formation and sharing of anti-Catholic conspiracy narratives. Combining ethnographic depth with analytical breadth, this book argues that what makes the Order so compelling to members yet so repugnant to its critics is its steadfast refusal to separate religion from politics and fraternity from ethnicity.
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
Northern Ireland is no longer the relentless headline-maker in the global media it once was, when multiple killings and bombings provided a daily diet of depressing news and images. This book commences with a review of the literature on essentialism and then in the three domains: what has come to be known as 'identity politics'; the nature of nationalism; and power-sharing models for divided societies. It draws out implications for key aspects of the Northern Ireland problem. The book is based on secondary sources on Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (B-H). A key resource is the independent journalistic network in the Balkans responsible for the production of Balkan Insight, successor to the Balkan Crisis Report, a regular e-mail newsletter. The book explores how policy-makers in London and Dublin, unenlightened by the benefit of hindsight, grappled with the unfamiliar crisis that exploded in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s. It shows that a taken-for-granted communalism has had very negative effects on societies recently driven by ethnic conflict. The book argues that conflicts such as that in Northern Ireland can only be adequately understood within a broader and more complex philosophical frame, freed of the appealing simplifications of essentialism. More than a decade on from the Belfast agreement, the sectarian 'force field' of antagonism in Northern Ireland remained as strong as ever. Unionism and nationalism may be antagonistic but as individual affiliations 'Britishness' and 'Irishness', still less Protestantism and Catholicism, need not be antagonistic.
. 63). Yet the country changed
beyond recognition from the 1990s onwards. On the one hand, it seems
that the Irish religious market evolved from being monopolistic to
becoming more pluralistic. On the other hand, Catholicism itself, and
people’s understanding of what it means to be a Catholic in contemporary Ireland, evolved from a strict adherence to Roman precepts to
more individualized perceptions. In the words of Tom Inglis, the major
transformation may have been that ‘the dominant Catholic habitus of
self-denial’ was gradually ‘transformed into a culture of