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The first part of this article focuses on previously unstudied materials relating to the critical recuperation of William Blake in the period between c.1910 and 1930. It notes how commentators utilised ideas of citizenship and hospitality when they attempted to modernise Blake’s interests and concerns. It explains how these distinctive critical idioms were constructed, what they had in common and how they situated Blake in larger public arguments about the social significance of cultural creativity. The second part of the article traces the ramifications of this new way of thinking about Blake by noting his appearance in modernist and neo-romantic art criticism in the 1930s and 1940s.
twentieth century, governors had embraced expanded roles as the protectors and leaders of a generalised Christianity. 76 Roman Catholics had various reasons for welcoming closer ties with the monarchy. The toasts to Queen Victoria offered at St Patrick’s Day dinners in Sydney in the 1840s demonstrate how far expressions of loyalty fed into a search for social acceptance and good citizenship. Concern that rising migration from Ireland would bring a more confrontational community to Australia perhaps explains why in March 1843 John
representative of the empire’s religious diversity. Newspapers, in southern Africa particularly, reported approvingly of observances of days of fasting and thanksgiving in ‘native churches’ and among people of African and non-Christian descent. Yet there were many – both in the colonising Christian and colonised indigenous communities – who did not respond, and participation did not lead to full citizenship or political gains. The question of who was inside or outside the national community was rarely satisfactorily answered. That it
in Jewish values that military power would bring about permeate their work. To borrow a biblical idiom, Jacob might once don goat skins and play Esau while reasonably expecting to remove them later and return to his tent unchanged, but were he to wear them at all times, and also to carry with him Esau's weapons, the hands of Jacob would truly become the hands of Esau (Genesis 27:22). Such misgivings have been mirrored in Sigal Ben-Porath's ( 2009 , 34–35) description of ‘belligerent citizenship,’ a return to a crude Hobbian model of the state in which safety
opposing elements: violence and murder on the one hand, and the soul's delight on the other (Tamaret 1912 , 19)?’ His answer began with the contention that religion is ‘the expression of [human] self-recognition;’ it reflects ‘the way man understands himself and his place in the world.’ As this standing changes, so too its religious manifestation. As it were, religious ideas are humanity's ‘citizenship papers in the kingdom of creation (Tamaret 1992 , 58–59).’ In a surprisingly materialistic manner, Tamaret maintained that this depends on the degree of human control
civil rights. 36 In days of prayer a diversity of voices articulated views on the nature of imperial community and citizenship. During royal thanksgivings, Irish-born Catholic clergy presented themselves as loyal subjects, and co-owners of an empire that had brought the Irish justice, freedom and prosperity. In 1887 a Catholic preacher in Ballarat, Victoria said he was prepared to unite with his ‘fellow subjects’ in giving thanks for the Queen’s reign, as British brutality in Ireland – such as the recent 1887 coercion
the language of citizenship, rather than feminism. On some political issues, they worked side by side with explicitly feminist organisations. She argues that the ‘women’s movement’, as an umbrella term that highlights those who wanted to improve the position and status of women in society, needs to be delinked from an exclusively feminist agenda. 7 Taking us into the 1960s, Callum Brown has persistently argued that the social movements of the long 1960s, especially the women’s movement, was deeply implicated in the decline of religious affiliation of young women
of the voluntary sector. The call for ‘Active Citizenship’ encouraged volunteers to make up for the shortfall in social services. By the 1980s, some constituents of the voluntary sector were partnering with state and local authorities for funding. 52 Just as the voluntary sector was altered by a new post-war social world, women religious also engaged with or became a part of this revivified voluntary sector. New ministries in the 1970s and 1980s took many forms – individual ministries, parish communities, inserted communities and international missions. Some
: Oxford University Press , 2007 ). 8 Arthur Marwick , ‘ The Cultural Revolution of the Long Sixties: Voices of Reaction, Protest, and Permeation ’, International History Review , 27 ( 2005 ), 782. 9 Myra Marx Ferree and Carol McClurg Mueller , ‘ Feminism and the Women’s Movement: A Global Perspective ’, in David A. Snow , Sarah A. Soule and Hanspeter Kriesi (eds), The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements ( Chichester : John Wiley & Sons , 2008 ), p. 576. 10 Massimo Faggioli , Catholicism and Citizenship: Political Cultures of
: Citizenship, Opportunism, and Subversion ( London : Palgrave Macmillan , 2017 ), pp. 155 – 78 ; McKenna, Made Holy. 68 Enda Delaney , ‘ The Vanishing Irish? The Exodus from Ireland in the 1950s ’, in Dermot Keogh , Finbarr O’Shea and Carmel Quinlan (eds), The Lost Decade: Ireland in the 1950s ( Cork : Mercier , 2004 ), pp. 82 – 3 ; Caitriona Clear , ‘ “Too Fond of Going”: Female Emigration and Change for Women in Ireland, 1946–1961 ’, in Dermot Keogh , Finbarr O’Shea and Carmel Quinlan (eds), The Lost Decade: Ireland in the 1950s