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Life in the waiting room

Uncertainty is central to the governance of citizenship, but in ways that erase, even deny, this uncertainty. Uncertain citizenship investigates this uncertainty from the unique vantage point of ‘citizenisation’ – twenty-first-century integration and naturalisation measures that make and unmake citizens and migrants, while indefinitely holding many applicants for citizenship in what Anne-Marie Fortier calls the waiting room of citizenship. Fortier’s distinctive theory of citizenisation foregrounds how the full achievement of citizenship is a promise that is always deferred. This means that if migrants and citizens are continuously citizenised, so too are they migratised. Citizenisation and migratisation are intimately linked within the structures of racial governmentality that enables the citizenship of racially minoritised citizens to be questioned and that casts them as perpetual migrants.

Drawing on multi-sited fieldwork with migrants applying for citizenship or settlement and with intermediaries of the state tasked with implementing citizenisation measures and policies, Fortier brings life to the waiting room of citizenship, giving rich empirical backing to her original theoretical claims. Scrutinising life in the waiting room enables Fortier to analyse how citizenship takes place, takes time and takes hold in ways that conform, exceed and confound frames of reference laid out in both citizenisation policies and taken-for-granted understandings of ‘the citizen’, ‘the migrant’, and their relationships to citizenship. Uncertain citizenship’s nuanced account of the social and institutional function of citizenisation and migratisation offers its readers a grasp of the array of racial inequalities that citizenisation produces and reproduces, while providing theoretical and empirical tools to address these inequalities.

Anne-Marie Fortier

[C]itizenship is, through and through, precarious, recent, threatened, and more artificial than ever. (Derrida 1998 : 15) Citizenship is uncertain. It is volatile, its boundaries, limits and promises are forever revised, amended and deferred. Citizenship can be bought, taught, fragmented, multiple, probationary, precarious, stripped, disposable, impossible, gifted, strategic, disputed, relinquished, achieved

in Uncertain citizenship
Punishment, erasure, and social control
Lindsey N. Kingston

’ under international human rights law – as well as the widespread assumption that legal nationality was a social good that guaranteed political membership and rights protection. Yet today we see troubling shifts in how states view citizenship and nationality rights. At the individual level, denationalisation (the involuntary loss of citizenship) 1 is increasingly used globally as

in Statelessness, governance, and the problem of citizenship
Kevin Harrison
Tony Boyd

Three related concepts are addressed here: rights, obligations and citizenship. We first consider the development of the concept of ‘rights’ as being intrinsic to human beings because they are human . Different interpretations of the term ‘rights’ are discussed together with some of the controversies which surround the issue at the present. Next we analyse the idea of

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Bryan Fanning

8 Politics and citizenship The key challenge facing both Government and Irish society in the period ahead is the need to integrate people of a different culture, ethnicity, language and religion so that they become part of our nation, part of the Irish family in the 21st century. (Fianna Fáil, 2009) This chapter examines immigrant political participation and the role of citizenship in the political integration of immigrants. Firstly, it considers bottom-up efforts of immigrants to participate in electoral politics since 2004, when two former asylum seekers

in Immigration and social cohesion in the Republic of Ireland

When a person is not recognised as a citizen anywhere, they are typically referred to as ‘stateless’. This can give rise to challenges both for individuals and for the institutions that try to govern them. Statelessness, governance, and the problem of citizenship breaks from tradition by relocating the ‘problem’ to be addressed from one of statelessness to one of citizenship. It problematises the governance of citizenship – and the use of citizenship as a governance tool. It traces the ‘problem of citizenship’ from global and regional governance mechanisms to national and even individual levels. Part I examines how statelessness is produced and maintained, for example through global development efforts and refugee protection instruments. Part II traces the lived reality of statelessness, starting at conception and the issuance of birth certificates, then exploring the experiences of youth, workers, and older people. Part III demands a rethinking of the governance of citizenship. It interrogates existing efforts to address challenges associated with statelessness and suggests alternatives. Contributions span global regions and contributors include activists, affected persons, artists, lawyers, leading academics from a range of disciplines, and national and international policy experts. Written text, visual art, and poetry are also used to examine complex concepts central to this discussion. Statelessness, governance, and the problem of citizenship rejects the idea that statelessness and stateless persons are a problem. It argues that the reality of statelessness helps to uncover a more fundamental challenge: the problem of citizenship.

Peter J. Spiro

Introduction Rainer Bauböck's “Democratic Inclusion: A Pluralistic Theory of Citizenship” is characteristically incisive. In this essay and elsewhere (e.g. Bauböck 2003, 2007 ), he has liberated normative political theory from the girdle of territorial boundary conditions. If ever it was, it is obviously no longer possible to posit a world of perfectly segmented national communities. For normative theory to remain

in Democratic inclusion
Chris Armstrong

7 Equality and citizenship in global perspective Introduction: the spreading of citizenship? HE PRECEDING chapters of this book have enquired whether a commitment to an egalitarian, democratic form of citizenship is capable of organising and giving shape and force to a variety of egalitarian commitments. Whereas the arguments collected together in the first part of this book criticised the approach taken by prominent participants in the ‘equality of what’ debate, the second part of this book has investigated ways in which we might avoid some of same pitfalls by

in Rethinking Equality
Tendayi Bloom

a stated aim of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is to ‘leave no one behind’, stateless persons are often unaccounted for in the implementation and monitoring of global development efforts. As a result, they can be left out entirely. Second, presuming citizenship means that policies ostensibly contributing to the global governance of migration target

in Statelessness, governance, and the problem of citizenship
Willem Maas

Free movement has been central to the European project since the introduction of mobility rights for coal and steel workers in the 1951 European Coal and Steel Community Treaty (ECSC; Treaty of Paris) and the right of EU citizens to live and work anywhere in the common territory has developed as one of the four fundamental freedoms (alongside free movement of goods, services, and capital) that undergird the Single Market (Maas 2005 , 2007 ). Since the Maastricht Treaty, these rights have been enshrined as a key element of EU citizenship, to which some have

in The European Union after Brexit