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Shailja Sharma

1 Challenges to national citizenship It is clear from the experience of the United States and Britain that the possession of full, formal citizenship does not impede the development of multiply disadvantaged ethnocultural minorities. (Brubaker, 1998, p. 137) An effect of the popularity of “multicultural” or postcolonial texts is the questioning of fixed and self-evident notions of nationality and citizenship. After decolonization, writers in newly independent countries like Kenya, India or Algeria made nationalism an important issue in their writing. This was

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
Karin Fischer

80 4 Citizenship v. religion in the school curricula of the 2000s This chapter will examine how general policy orientations were translated into school curricula in the late 1990s and 2000s with regard to cultural and religious matters. Can these curricula be said to demonstrate a pluralist transition, or even revolution, as compared with the still strongly Christian educational message of the 1970s? We will consider the school curricula as statements of intent on the part of Irish public institutions. As Fionnuala Waldron remarked in her analysis of Irish

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland

Identity is contingent and dynamic, constituting and reconstituting subjects with political effects. This book explores the implications of Protestant and 'British' incursions for the development of Irish Catholic identity as preserved in Irish language texts from the early modern period until the end of Stuart pretensions. Questions of citizenship, belonging, migration, conflict, security, peace and subjectivity are examined through social construction, post-colonialism, and gendered lenses from an interdisciplinary perspective. The book explains the issue of cultural Catholicism in the later middle ages, by way of devotional cults and practices. It examines Catholic unionism vis-a-vis Victorian politics, military and imperial service, the crown, and the position of the Catholic Church with relation to the structures of the state in Ireland. In particular the North American experience and especially the importance of the USA for consolidating a particular interpretation of Irish Catholic nationalist identity, is explored. Children studied in English Catholic public schools like Stonyhurst and Downside where the establishment Irish Catholics and rising mercantile classes sought to have the characteristics of the Catholic gentleman instilled in their progeny. The book sets out to detect the voices of those Catholic women who managed to make themselves heard by a wider audience than family and friends in Ireland in the years between the Act of Union of 1800 and independence/partition. It considers what devotional interests both Gaelic Irish and Anglo-Norman actually shared in common as part of a wider late medieval Catholic culture.

Separate but equal?

Separate but equal? Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland focuses on the historical and current place of religion in the Irish education system from the perspective of children’s rights and citizenship. It offers a critical analysis of the political, cultural and social forces that have perpetuated the patronage system, looks at the ways in which the denominational model has been adapted to increased religious and cultural diversity in Irish society and shows that recent changes have failed to address persistent discrimination and the absence of respect for freedom of conscience. It relates current debates on the denominational system and the role of the State in education to Irish political thought and conceptions of national identity in Ireland, showing the ways in which such debates reflect a tension between nationalist-communitarian and republican political outlooks. There have been efforts towards accommodation and against instances of discrimination within the system, but Irish educational structures still privilege communal and private interests and hierarchies over equal rights, either in the name of a de facto ‘majority’ right to religious domination or by virtue of a deeply flawed and limited view of ‘parental choice’.

Michael Carter-Sinclair

, Schwandner’s Hall. 18 Another group with numerous representatives at the Saturday celebrations, the Bürgervereinigung , had been set up in 1900. Membership of this group was open to men [ sic ] who had been granted citizenship of Vienna. 19 ‘Citizens’ needed to have been resident in the city for ten years, to pay direct taxes and to prove that they possessed sufficient wealth or earnings to support themselves. Those granted this status were obliged to swear an oath to uphold the ‘German character’ of Vienna, although nothing about the ‘Christian’ nature of the city was

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Elliot Vernon

–94. 46 Como, Radical parliamentarians ; G. de Krey, Following the Levellers, vol. 1: Political and religious radicals in the English civil war and revolution, 1645–1649 (London, 2017), pp. 15–37. 47 For the often-overlooked medieval heritage of citizen politics see C. D. Liddy, Contesting the city: the politics of citizenship in English towns, 1250–1530 (Oxford, 2017), esp. chs 2, 4, 5 and 6. 48 P. Halliday, Dismembering the body politic: partisan

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Abstract only
The Cavalier Parliament, the Great Ejection of 1662 and the first years of dissent
Elliot Vernon

noteworthy and suggests some of the roots of presbyterian partial conformity during the Restoration. 22 Nevertheless, parishioner resistance was ultimately limited. The vestry was more than just a religious entity and vestry service was an essential part of the demands of active citizenship and social mobility in London. Furthermore, many of the substantial parishioners who had been excluded from or avoided vestry office under the parliamentarian regimes were again able and willing to take office. In addition to seizing

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Spaces for argument and agreement
Wendy James

law and secular morality creates a new kind of autonomy, or potential autonomy, for persons in relation to authority itself. We also find a growing gap between those modern nation-states which have accepted the ideal of moving towards secular egalitarian citizenship, and some which have adopted or are planning citizenship founded on the socio-legal framework of one or other of the major organised religions. At the same time, I do not need to remind readers of the astonishing degree of population movement between countries which is now a part of the world we live in

in Religion and rights
Abstract only
Ali Riaz

/challenges for the community and the British state. One set of questions involves the choice of the community: Do the majority of members of the community favour a fusion of religion and political activism? Should religion be the marker of their identity? The other set of questions is about issues related to the policies of the state: Does the British state continue to pursue the policies that facilitated the rise of the Islamists? Importantly, what is the future of multiculturalism in Britain? How will the issue of religion, citizenship and the multiple identities of the

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
Freedom, democracy and liberalism
John Carter Wood

, pp. 2–3. 187 A. D. Lindsay, ‘Christian Individualism and Scientific Individualism’, in Democracy, Should It Survive? (London: Dennis Dobson, 1946), pp. 118–26. 188 Moyn, Christian Human Rights , pp. 124–5. 189 Rob Freathy, ‘The Triumph of Religious Education for Citizenship in English Schools, 1935–1949’, History of Education: Journal of the History of Education Society , 37:2 (2008), 295–316 (p. 303). 190 Guardian , 19 April 1940, p. 191. 191 William Temple, The Crisis of the Western World and Other Broadcast Talks (London: George Allen & Unwin

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