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, one may recall the classic 2006 paper by Brown, Cueto and Fee from their project on the history of the World Health Organization (WHO) (Brown et al., 2006 ). In their paper global health is – to a large extent – a political phenomenon placed in the context of geopolitics, development strategies and rivalry between international organizations. Focusing on the WHO and the United Nations (UN) system of intergovernmental democracy, they point to the intimate relationship that international public health maintained with the Cold War. Other authors like Birn ( 2009
. 3 Founded at the beginning of the Cold War, the Australian National University (ANU) had state funding and a charter to advise parliament and the federal bureaucracy. ‘It was thus always vulnerable to national security interests’ (Gray 2019 , 63). 4 ‘Many of
’, historically part of the Argentine military mentality, was updated and adapted to the bipolar logic of the Cold War, but still subsumed within the idea of ‘subversion’. This process is important, as this was the era when the leaders of the military coup of 1976 received their training, and they in turn would be responsible for the training of many of the perpetrators of the slaughter. The central pillar of this indoctrination was the subordination of the notion of war to religious principles. Intransigent Catholicism functioned, as part of this indoctrination, as a pre
, Affect and Authority in the Contemporary Yugoslav Family .’ Ethos 11 ( 1–2 ): 66 – 86 . Woodward , S. L. 1995 . Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War . Washington, DC : Brookings Institution Press .
antecedent for understanding violence in this region was the foreign policy of the United States in Latin America, which considered the region to be its ‘backyard’. During the twentieth century the United States developed a geopolitical approach based on an interest in the strategic value of certain places (Panama) and, above all, of a wide range of natural resources. During the Cold War and following the Cuban Revolution this process was accompanied by a military presence on the ground, and often the training of army officers and local police forces. Larger numbers of
, which play a deep structuring role in the mental universe of the Khmer. Bones-as-evidence: ossuaries and memorials from the 1980s to the 2000s It was on the initiative of the new government put in place under effective Vietnamese control in 1979 that the first collective treatment of the bodies from the genocide was undertaken, its aim being to turn them into ‘bones-as-evidence’. This treatment formed part of the general effort to legitimize the new government in the highly polarized international context of the Cold War and the end of the Vietnam War (1975). The
the end of the twentieth century, the collapse of the Soviet Union had to all intents and purposes ended the Cold War, but new, powerful divisions were developing with the rise of religious fundamentalisms, the spread of right wing nationalism and increased xenophobia in many nation states, and a seemingly endless series of small wars and violent civil conflicts throughout the world. These had huge effects in terms of loss of life, rights, and livelihood, and the movements of people which culminated in the 2015 refugee crisis. As we write, we are seeing the
nation-state has been adopted globally as a blueprint, especially following the post-Second World War wave of decolonisation in Africa, Asia and Oceania as well as the post-cold war break-up of Czechoslovakia, the USSR and Yugoslavia. Although some elements of the languages of stateness, as Hansen and Stepputat (2001) name it, are easily recognisable in all nation-states (e.g. national symbols such as flags, coats of arms, anthems; the rituals of protocol; presence of a state bureaucracy), the local variants of the languages and their understandings, as it were, may
thematic boundaries, and rewarded them for novel, collaborative and progressive international research. All of these changes have not, of course, automatically resulted in research interest in mass violence, and a second set of factors external to the discipline have arguably provided the real impetus for criminological engagement. As Hagan has noted, the context of the Cold War perhaps promoted a degree of isolationism in western criminology, which began to break down with the dismantling of state communism.17 This new order provided opportunities to study violence
reinforced by political concerns. The escalation of the conflict in Kosovo resulted in the relocation of women and children to Western countries. The collapse of socialism in most eastern European countries and the end of the Cold War, which changed the power geometry in the world, also affected the movements of people in Kosovo. As of 1992, trans-border mobility was restricted to those seeking asylum or family reunion. Accordingly, the migration of women and children resulted in the partial dissolution of the complex, patrilocal households in which a married couple lived