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after death. 29 Appleby’s sardonic summary of Catholicism captured a number of aspects of his historical setting – a rising consciousness of a decline in the Christian faith (sociologists such as Peter Berger were predicting the ‘death of religion’ by the end of the century), a wider cold-war concern over the destruction
without an explicit link to feminism. 53 Religion was relevant to and influenced by the post-war world. Hugh McLeod points to a national Christian identity that both the Second World War and the Cold War encouraged in Western nations. He highlights continued church-building, Christian socialisation in schools and confessional identities into the 1960s. 54 Church attendance, though, was declining; this religious world appeared in competition with an affluent 1950s and 1960s culture and its materialistic world of leisure and consumerism. 55 The narratives of the 1950s
-up mass protests, local, national and international, emerging out of student and worker movements, anti-nuclear and anti-war demonstrations and the civil, women’s and gay rights rallies that took place from the late 1950s into the 1970s. 5 Protests gave voice to many who felt unrepresented in social and political spheres. 6 One scholar has suggested that the Cold War emphasis on freedom and democracy ‘led [the] young to expect democratic institutions to live up to their democratic rhetoric’. 7 Many uprisings reflected a frustration and discontent, built up over time
’, p. 199. 58 P. Buckner, ‘Making British North America British, 1815–1860’, in C. Eldridge (ed.), Kith and Kin: Canada, Britain and the United States from the Revolution to the Cold War (Cardiff, 1997), pp. 11–44 . 59 Western Cape Provincial Archives [WCPA], Government House, general despatches, vol. 23/25, reference 64, Governor C. Darling to the Duke of Newcastle, 25 July 1854; NP, II , p. 888. 60 NP, II , p. cxlvii