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defence, immigrant training and citizenship courts. Such work continued the IODE’s mission for a British-influenced Canada. The IODE’s reaction to the Cold War reflected a forced reconsideration of Canadian identity. While the IODE promoted democratic principles of progressive conservatism, its methods and its attitude to Communists were influenced by an individualism and a politics more often associated
Australia Overview I suggested in the Introduction to Part IV that the politics of Cold War loyalism both dominated Australian society for twenty-years from the later 1940s and constitute a large part of the explanation for the ALP ’s political weakness, particularly at the federal level, and the hegemony of the Right during this period of time. I maintained further that, while recognised in parts of the relevant literature, 1 these broad claims have not
attention to international development and humanitarianism. But the two historiographies have remained surprisingly separate. Recent scholarship has begun exploring how humanitarianism and international development met at the intersection of the Cold War and decolonisation. From the mid-twentieth century, humanitarianism changed from providing disaster relief to addressing the long-term economic, social and environmental causes of
Britain’s position even more awkward, subjecting it to increased abuse and criticism in the UN under the influence of Cold War politics. 20 Britain had become ‘public enemy number one’ for many former colonies, intensifying the global momentum towards decolonisation. 21 Transformations in colonial societies, such as new kinds of consumption, increased literacy and new communication techniques, also
persuaded that Wright approached the US authorities in Paris in order to inform on his political allies, and that he did so on his own initiative. 57 This is a brutal Cold War story, as many aspects of the history of decolonisation turn out to be, and although much remains murky, one thing is clear. Like his contemporary champion of black emancipation
Anglo-American relations in the early years of the cold war. 11 The Australian and New Zealand Governments, moreover, reflecting their continuing support for what John Darwin has called ‘the fourth British Empire’, asserted their commitment to the defence of Hong Kong, even if, in practical terms, there were limitations to that commitment. 12 Despite the demonstrated intention to retain Hong Kong
/Pakistan and Palestine and on Britain's diminished postwar economic and military power. The military and strategic dimensions to India's partition were however far more nuanced than Narendra Singh Sarila argues in his well-known work, The Shadow of the Great Game . He supports the notion that Pakistan was created following partition, because it served Western strategic interests in the emerging Cold War context. Sarila portrays India's partition as a conspiracy between a complicit Muslim League and a British administration intent on creating Pakistan
, to preserve a ‘balance of power’, 25 there was the partition of Africa in the late nineteenth century that implicated all the European colonial powers as well as the United States of America. 26 The focus on British imperial culpability also does not account for the partitions of Germany, Korea, Vietnam or Western Sahara that were all divided by a variety of states during the Cold War. 27
that of those leaving Hong Kong, but this policy was ‘not strictly enforced’. 8 The colonial administration had limited internal funds for resettlement programmes, and piecemeal funding from the Nationalists, the US and the UN was insufficient for a comprehensive set of measures to support refugees. Seeking more financial support from Taiwan and the US also risked entangling Hong Kong in Cold War
rather traditional account of British and American foreign policy in the early Cold War years. Next to transnational framing, methodologically, I approach the questions mentioned above equipped with the intellectual historian's toolbox. What motivates me is an attempt to identify a conceptual genealogy and to recover the diverse ways and circumstances in which political keywords such as state, independence, sovereignty, self-government, autonomy and nation-state were coined, distributed and understood, and how partition politics