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Jeremy Nuttall

which many of these accomplishments have endured, in whole or at least in part well beyond the progressive government which implemented them. In his work on the evolution of the ‘Conservative Century’, Anthony Seldon perceptively argues that while this description is apt in terms of the Conservatives’ governmental dominance, it is less uniformly true of its setting of the overall intellectual agenda of politics (Seldon, 1994: 17). Progressive parties, seeking as they do to change society, often have a more inherently difficult task in winning elections than more

in Making social democrats
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Conservatism confounded
Arthur Aughey

successful Conservative penetration of Labour strongholds was worth risking some votes elsewhere, especially in Conservative strongholds in the south of England. If the election delivered on all these fronts, the result would presage another ‘Conservative century’. This was a reaction to the Cameron approach which, some thought, had cared little about what ordinary people thought as if ‘floating in a bubble of privilege above the common herd’ and acting with ‘too much tactics and not enough authenticity’ (Montgomerie 2011b). If the outcome of the EU referendum intimated a

in The Conservative Party and the nation
David Thackeray

Balfour and Baldwin; McCrillis, Age of Universal Suffrage; Stuart Ball, Baldwin and the Conservative Party: The Crisis of 1929–1931 (New Haven, CT, 1988); see also his ‘Local Conservatism and the evolution of the party organization’, in Stuart Ball and Anthony Seldon (eds), Conservative Century: The Conservative Party since 1900 (Oxford, 1994), pp. 261–314; for the Primrose League see Martin Pugh, The Tories and the People (Oxford, 1985); Philippe Vervaecke, ‘Dieu, la couronne et l’Empire la Primrose League, 1883–2000: culture et pratiques politiques d’un movement

in Conservatism for the democratic age
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Andrew Taylor

the failure of these organisational efforts tells us much about the nature and contours of British governance. Early attempts to capture this approach is my chapter in Seldon and Ball’s, The Conservative Century (Taylor 1994 , 499–543) and my article in the Labour History Review ( 1992 , 21–28). My approach has been influenced strongly by Keith Middlemas’s synoptic exploration of British

in What about the workers?
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David Thackeray

–20; October 1910, p. 105; June 1911, pp. 14–15; July 1914, pp. 89–90. 68 Page Croft, My Life of Strife, p. 179; Amery MSS, AMEL7/18, Amery diary, 26 February 1924. 69 Page Croft, My Life of Strife, p. 179. Thackeray.indd 188 1/10/2013 10:11:18 AM Baldwin’s party? 189 70 Houston and Valdar, Modern Electioneering Practice, p. 14. 71 Richard Cockett, ‘The party, publicity, and the media’, in Anthony Seldon and Stuart Ball (eds), Conservative Century: The Conservative Party Since 1900 (Oxford, 1994), pp. 547–77 at pp. 551–2. 72 Ramsden has claimed that

in Conservatism for the democratic age
John Shepherd

edition 2007), pp. 151–86; Andrew Taylor, ‘The party and the trade unions’, in Anthony Seldon and Stuart Ball (eds), Conservative Century: The Conservative Party Since 1900 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 499–546; Andrew Taylor, ‘The “Stepping Stones” programme: Conservative Party thinking on trade unions, 1975–9’, Historical Studies in Industrial Relations, vol. 2, spring 2001, pp. 109–33; Brendan Evans, Thatcherism and WoD.indb 132 6/20/2013 10:01:47 AM The Conservative Party and the ‘winter of discontent’ 133 The ‘winter of discontent’ represented a

in Crisis? What crisis?
Jeremy Nuttall and Hans Schattle

sense of active citizenship within the confines of the British state, and the Labour Party’s patchy electoral success in the so-called ‘Conservative century’. This book’s honorand, the political thinker, historian, politician and public intellectual David Marquand, ranks among the most perceptive in drawing attention to many of these challenges, most notably in his acclaimed 1991 book The Progressive Dilemma (Marquand, 1992: 24–5). These challenges are very real, yet the above picture is a partial one. It runs the risks both of conforming to the traditional tendency

in Making social democrats
Arthur Aughey

. This sense of marginalisation from the popular mood was true of the Blair years – and the original Blair intent was to replace the Conservative century of the twentieth with the progressive one of the twenty-first. The self-understanding of the age often makes Conservatives feel distinctly uncomfortable. More often than not, it is this discomfort with the present, rather than respectful piety for it, which informs their political argument. This might be described as its Daily Mail tone and, far from feeling themselves insiders, Conservatives often feel themselves to

in The Conservative Party and the nation
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Class and nation
Arthur Aughey

, as many Conservatives thought, Thatcherism had won the economic war but the left was winning the culture war – and its cultural victories were turning the country into a ‘foreign land’. If the twentieth century had been the ‘Conservative century’ (Seldon and Ball 1994), the twenty-first beckoned as the century of the progressive majority. As Chapter 3 argued, the Cameron leadership was committed in turn to adapting to New Labour’s repositioning in the electoral market, with Cameron as the self-ascribed ‘heir to Blair’ (McAnulla 2010) – a comment which he came to

in The Conservative Party and the nation