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Abstract only
Joseph Heller

favor, juggling ideology and geopolitics. Between the end of World War II and the collapse of the Eastern bloc, the superpowers, fighting proxy wars in Korea and Vietnam and contending over Berlin and Cuba, calculated their national interests in the Middle East according to bilateral global factors. For Israel, those factors determined the nature of its relations with each of the superpowers. David Ben-Gurion

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Simon Mabon

of residents’, which was central to the broader Zionist project.57 In support of this, a subcommittee was established, focusing entirely upon industry in Jerusalem to facilitate its rebirth. For David Ben Gurion, the subcommittee was to facilitate a rise in ‘Jewish settlement in Jerusalem and its environs, to rehabilitate and strengthen its economic basis, and to ensure that the capital of our country will have a Jewish majority in population and building’.58 In spite of such demands, before the establishment of Israel in 1948 Jerusalem became peripheral to the

in Houses built on sand
Attitudes towards subversive movements and violent organisations
Ami Pedahzur

surprising odds with the fact that in its struggle against political parties the inchoate Government of Israel suffered from a dearth of measures in its effort to protect itself from radical political manifestations, we find that in regard to (extra-parliamentary) extremist movements and violent uprisings Israel tended, even in its early days, to adopt highly rigorous forms of warfare against subversive groups. This approach is given prominence in the words of the first prime minister of Israel, David Ben-Gurion, only a short time after the founding of the State

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Joseph Heller

/11. 46 Ben-Gurion to ICAB, April 20, 1958; ‘Interview, May 16, 1958, with the Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. David Ben-Gurion, and 31 Members of the National War College,’ Washington, D.C., ISA 7226/6a. 47 ICAB, April 27, 1958, ISA. 48

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

Israel, David Ben Gurion, argued that ‘there were no others’44 and ultimately that Palestine was the ideal choice for settlement.45 Yet it was the transformation of life on the ground that would have the most lasting impact, as land was bought by Zionists while more directly, groups such as the Haganah, Irgun and Stern Gang engaged in violence against Palestinian Arabs. After the establishment of the United Nations (UN), a partition plan for Palestine was approved by UN General Assembly Council Resolution 181 on 29 November 1947, which called for the partition of

in Houses built on sand
Israel as a role model in liberal thought
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

.99 per cent for any of the candidates. This in contrast to the governmental instability in Egypt, which is symbolized by the Free Officers’ Revolution, Abd al-Nasser’s and Sadat’s hold on power until the day they died and, similarly, Mubarak’s control over Egypt for thirty years without the Egyptian people’s realizing how to oust him. To Sanad, democracy is intrinsic to the Israeli DNA and was manifested in all its glory in the character of its first prime minister: David Ben Gurion, who is considered by many the founder of the State of Israel, and who was the one to

in Zionism in Arab discourses
Open Access (free)
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
Ami Pedahzur

replace the voluntary networks. The sovereignty, or ‘statehood’, orientation took root in this country. Its leading proponent was Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, who subscribed to the view that the satisfactory absorption of ‘Israelis’ immigrating from the numerous and varied countries of the Diaspora required a coalescence of the different sectors and the cultivation of a political–sovereign perception. According to this view, the State’s interests stand above all organisational interests or groups making up these bodies. 28 In operational terms, the ‘statehood

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Amikam Nachmani

Two characteristics formerly featuring prominently in Israeli–Turkish relations have vanished from the scene of late. There is now no trace of the “mistress syndrome,” the low profile, to revert to the terms of the complaint voiced by Israel’s first Prime Minister, David Ben Gurion. 1 Dr Uri Gordon, the first Israeli Ambassador to Turkey – representation at ambassadorial level, not legation, began in late 1991 – who had started on August 1990 as Chargé d’Affaires in the Israeli Legation in Ankara, and became the first Ambassador on 31

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
Open Access (free)
Rhiannon Vickers

Britain’s relations with the wider Muslim world, which were extensive due to its Commonwealth connections. As Britain was unable to resolve the conflict, and its recommendation for a bi-national state had been rejected, it returned its mandate to the UN in 1947. The UN recommended the partition of Palestine between the Palestinians and the Jews, but both groups also rejected this proposal. Britain withdrew its troops on 14 May 1948, leaving the Jews and the Arabs to settle the matter themselves.31 David Ben-Gurion immediately declared Israel’s independence under his

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
The social sphere
Ami Pedahzur

citizenship studies underscored the absolute right of the Jewish people to the land of Israel, while disregarding the interests of local Arab residents or at the most revealing a patronising attitude towards them and depicting them as backward natives. 14 The insemination of ethno-national principles by means of the education system did not end with the Proclamation of Independence in 1948. Approximately four years later, the ethnic component attained formal status in the educational system. As part of the first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion’s vision

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence