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Attitudes towards subversive movements and violent organisations
Ami Pedahzur

surprising odds with the fact that in its struggle against political parties the inchoate Government of Israel suffered from a dearth of measures in its effort to protect itself from radical political manifestations, we find that in regard to (extra-parliamentary) extremist movements and violent uprisings Israel tended, even in its early days, to adopt highly rigorous forms of warfare against subversive groups. This approach is given prominence in the words of the first prime minister of Israel, David Ben-Gurion, only a short time after the founding of the State

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Israel as a role model in liberal thought
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

.99 per cent for any of the candidates. This in contrast to the governmental instability in Egypt, which is symbolized by the Free Officers’ Revolution, Abd al-Nasser’s and Sadat’s hold on power until the day they died and, similarly, Mubarak’s control over Egypt for thirty years without the Egyptian people’s realizing how to oust him. To Sanad, democracy is intrinsic to the Israeli DNA and was manifested in all its glory in the character of its first prime minister: David Ben Gurion, who is considered by many the founder of the State of Israel, and who was the one to

in Zionism in Arab discourses
Open Access (free)
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
Ami Pedahzur

replace the voluntary networks. The sovereignty, or ‘statehood’, orientation took root in this country. Its leading proponent was Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, who subscribed to the view that the satisfactory absorption of ‘Israelis’ immigrating from the numerous and varied countries of the Diaspora required a coalescence of the different sectors and the cultivation of a political–sovereign perception. According to this view, the State’s interests stand above all organisational interests or groups making up these bodies. 28 In operational terms, the ‘statehood

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Hayyim Rothman

‘dedication to agricultural labour and Jewish renewal (Horrox 2009 , 31),’ and many former members of ha-Poel ha-Za’ir would go on to play important roles in Mapai — a Labor Zionist pary formed from its merger with Ahdut Haavodah under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion — Hofshi remained true to his mentor's original vision. Rising tensions between Jewish returnees and the local Arab population caused Hofshi to question the feasibility of living ‘year after year in an atmosphere of hatred, anxiety, the clash of weapons, endless gunfire and nightly

in No masters but God
The social sphere
Ami Pedahzur

citizenship studies underscored the absolute right of the Jewish people to the land of Israel, while disregarding the interests of local Arab residents or at the most revealing a patronising attitude towards them and depicting them as backward natives. 14 The insemination of ethno-national principles by means of the education system did not end with the Proclamation of Independence in 1948. Approximately four years later, the ethnic component attained formal status in the educational system. As part of the first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion’s vision

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Ami Pedahzur

-State era when all Jewish settlement in Israel was governed by a political elite originating from Eastern Europe. Members of this elite brought with them a worldview according to which only a centralist and strong state capable of mobilising its people could lead to the realisation of national goals, foremost among which was the need to establish a stable Jewish sovereignty in the land of Israel. In line with this vision, a centralised and paternalistic state or, as termed by Yishai, a ‘guided democracy’, was instituted in Israel. It was David Ben-Gurion, the first prime

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Zionism and Israel as role models in Islamist writing
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

. Zionism is not only a successful manifestation of the synthesis between religion and politics. It is the sublime, most crystallized expression of the Jewish identity, whose equivalent is the Islamist religious-political plan, which in turn is the sublime, most 78 Zionism in Arab discourses crystallized expression of Islamic identity. Al-Maqadma began his discussion by contending with the followers of secular Arab nationalism who maintain that the Zionist movement is a national movement and not a religious one because Herzl, Moshe Dayan, David Ben-Gurion and many

in Zionism in Arab discourses