Marco Aurelio Guimarães, Raffaela Arrabaça Francisco, Sergio Britto Garcia, Martin Evison, Maria Eliana Castro Pinheiro, Iara Xavier Pereira, Diva Santana, and Julie Alvina Guss Patrício
Truth commissions are widely recognised tools used in negotiation following political
repression. Their work may be underpinned by formal scientific investigation of human
remains. This paper presents an analysis of the role of forensic investigations in the
transition to democracy following the Brazilian military governments of 1964–85. It
considers practices during the dictatorship and in the period following, making reference
to analyses of truth commission work in jurisdictions other than Brazil, including those
in which the investigation of clandestine burials has taken place. Attempts to conceal the
fate of victims during the dictatorship, and the attempts of democratic governments to
investigate them are described. Despite various initiatives since the end of the military
government, many victims remain unidentified. In Brazil, as elsewhere, forensic
investigations are susceptible to political and social influences, leading to a situation
in which relatives struggle to obtain meaningful restitution and have little trust in the
transitional justice process.
The particular terms I have noted – responsibility, freedom, empowerment, will –
often appear in ‘scare quotes’ in sociological and anthropological writing. In her
analysis of youth empowerment movements in contemporary Russia, anthropologist Julie Hemment gives a reason why. She writes, ‘During the nineties,
democracy became “a vehicle with many other passengers”’ (2015: 34). Indeed, it
arrived along with the shock therapy, wild capitalism, corruption and inequality.
‘“Democracy”, “civil society”, and “empowerment” were [therefore] compromised
. 14 (Toledo/Canelones) different places began to be
set up where disappeared-detainee bodies were clandestinely gathered and began to accumulate.25 In the paratrooper Battalion No.
14 this activity resulted in a clandestine military cemetery that soldiers called ‘Arlington’, apparently after the national cemetery in
Arlington, Virginia. The bodies of detainees killed under different
circumstances started to be taken to this location.
In 1983 (and until 1985) at the same time that democracy
returned, and as a result of agreements between military figures and
In migration the production of space is ontological: the ground is not given (the host faceless, Indigenous sovereignty unceded), the imagined community and its habitus are projects rather than realities. Another way to say this is that the representational space of democracy is suspended. The work of a migrant artist does not represent anything: it aims to produce a new situation. Such art is ‘dirty’, intervening in change rather than offering an aesthetic equivalent. These considerations lie behind a series of ‘creative templates’ or dramaturgies of public space devised for major urban redevelopments in Melbourne and Perth. Characterising the new spaces of public encounter as an endless compilation and renewal of lines and knots (visualised as a flexible string figure), the ’creative template’ reconceptualises ‘public art’ as the unscripted performances of public space that reclaim it as a place where something happens. The ‘something’ is likely to be the return of the repressed history of colonisation, as our work Sugar, devised for the Liverpool (UK) Capital of Culture festival, illustrates.
Missing persons and colonial skeletons in South Africa
could only be settled by intensified
resistance and further deaths. Indeed, police and mourners regularly clashed at such occasions, generating new fatalities, thus occasioning new funerals. Attempts by the state to control or limit such
occasions, deploying armed police, and later by imposing severe
restrictions, which included prohibiting political speeches and regalia, never entirely quelled these powerful moments of mobilization.
As the dawn of democracy grew closer in the early 1990s, the
funeral script again underwent revisions. In what would be the
Displaced borders in Skopje and the Colorful Revolution
where color revolutions took place, regardless of whether they succeeded or not: those in power studied the democracy-promotion techniques used in various color revolutions and focused their prevention strategies on combating these techniques. In the period after the revolution, the VMRO-DPMNE government staged a massive campaign against the “colorfuls” (шарените), qualifying them as hooligans and anti-patriots. Finkel and Brudny ( 2012b ) have argued that in the various “soft” revolutions in other East European countries governments adopted techniques similar to
, again told by Viktorija. This seminar, however, took place
one and a half years before the Maxima tragedy.) Having lost one’s means of livelihood and having to survive in the aftermath of the crisis, how does one cope?
Rather than facing it alone, the exercise put people in this situation together, thus
resembling the seminar setup. The exercise was posed as a question of survival.
However, it also prompted a number of wider questions, such as how to live
together in a market democracy; how to reconcile one’s views of what is morally
right with the values operating in
Tracing sources of recent neo-conservatism in Poland
copies that were not sold were shredded. It all started in Słowo Powszechne , a Catholic daily. Bogusław Jeznach, a Catholic journalist and a supporter of the National Democracy, authored a review entitled ‘The Handbook of Masturbation and Defloration’.
He accused Sokoluk of destroying the family by encouraging children to have sex (Jeznach 1987 : 7). Another critic, Maria Braun-Gałkowska, a Catholic psychologist from the Catholic University of Lublin, read the handbook as anti-family and unpatriotic
Exhumations of Soviet-era victims in contemporary Russia
. Kirianov; by engineer K. A. Ratushnyi and by students from Voronezh State University.
On October Days in 1991 and 1992, the burial ceremonies were
104 Viacheslav Bitiutckii
repeated. By this stage, in all, twenty-four pits had been opened, and
the remains of 924 people had been exhumed.21
Disillusionment with the results of the country’s experimentation with democracy in the middle and late 1990s led to diminishing
public interest in criticizing the communist regime and commemo
rating its victims. The exhumations in Dubovka ceased. Questions as
to the whole point of
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert
democracy. Yet Habermas’s analyses were focused
on bourgeois middle-class men, which ensured a narrowly defined definition of the public sphere. Within the ultras, this becomes entrenched,
in that specific (white) masculine viewpoints get constantly reaffirmed as
‘tradition’ and ‘the way it is’. While social media may lead to the devel-
opment of a public sphere, it also recreates inequalities as the power and
privilege of specific members can crowd out dissent or alternative views.