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Andrea Mariuzzo

 74 3 Freedom and democracy The first Italian studies of political language, published in 1960 in a collection edited by Paolo Facchi, emphasised that the semantic field relating to the concept of ‘democracy’ was used by all parties, with the partial exception of the neo-​Fascist Movimento Sociale Italiano (Italian Social Movement: MSI), with reference to their own political side.1 This mode of self-​description was a way of refusing to recognise their opponents’ allegiance to values that everyone regarded as essential for political coexistence after the defeat

in Communism and anti-Communism in early Cold War Italy
Defending Cold War Canada
Katie Pickles

she, herself, joins’. On top of that advice it would be useful to teach children ‘pride in and loyalty to the traditions of democracy of the British Empire and their application to Canadian life today’. 1 Such advice illuminates the importance of women to postwar Canadian citizenship. Citizenship was a place that was gendered through an appeal to women’s enduring domestic positioning. While

in Female imperialism and national identity
Allison Abra

7 Dancing democracy in wartime Britain I n November 1945, only a few months after the Second World War had drawn to a close, a writer for the magazine Britannia and Eve remarked, ‘Future historians may say that Global War gave dancing and dance music a new lease of life … Wherever the fighting men of air, sea or land camped down, and girls were to be got, they organised a weekly dance. There was more dancing in the war than in normal peace time years.’1 A few years later, Victor Silvester echoed these words about the profusion of dancing in wartime, writing in

in Dancing in the English style
Democratic discourse and the Chartist challenge
Peter Gurney

4 ‘Yours in the cause of Democracy’: democratic discourse and the Chartist challenge At Sheffield in late June 1842, a crowd of perhaps 50,000 mourners attended the public funeral of the twenty-seven-year-old Chartist militant Samuel Holberry, who had died of tuberculosis in a squalid cell at York Castle after serving two years of a four-year sentence for his alleged involvement in an armed uprising. The immense crowd wept as George Julian Harney delivered a moving graveside oration. Harney praised the moral and intellectual qualities of this ‘heroic patriot

in Wanting and having
Shipyard workers and social relations in Britain, 1870–1950

This study examines British shipbuilding and industrial relations from 1870 to 1950, addressing economic, social, and political history to provide a holistic approach to industry, trade unionism, and the early history of the Labour Party. Examining the impact of new machinery, of independent rank-and-file movements and of craft and trade unions, it provides an account of industrial action in shipyards in the period and their effect on the birth and development of the Labour Party.

Census versus women’s citizenship
Jill Liddington

10 Battleground for democracy: census versus women’s citizenship By early March, the main battalions were ranged upon the battleground for democracy. On one side stood the Pankhursts’ WSPU, Charlotte Despard’s WFL, alongside Laurence Housman and pressure groups like the WTRL. On the other, Sadler and Scott lined up behind John Burns’s Census Act. Both sides of this ‘census versus citizenship’ fight would hone their arguments during March, with other groups and individuals, occupations and regions each forming their own views. By now, the Census Committee was so

in Vanishing for the vote
The social composition and ideological basis of the UVF
Timothy Bowman

2 ‘An armed democracy’? The social composition and idelogical basis of the UVF The title of this chapter comes from Charles a la Court Repington’s article in The Times in which, as the paper’s military correspondent, he wrote of the UVF as, ‘a democratic army’.1 He went on to state that the UVF had an enrolled strength of 110,000 men stating, ‘Almost every Protestant man and boy in the Province will fight if fighting begins’.2 Repington’s opinion was echoed by H. S. Morrison who noted the wide class basis of the UVF and its popularity among Presbyterians noting

in Carson’s army
Alastair J. Reid

9780719081033_2_C08.qxd 1/20/10 9:08 Page 149 8 Robert Knight and industrial democracy While the Marxist critics of craft unionism have been prone to forcing the evidence into their interpretation of the boilermakers’ society as an extreme example of ‘class collaboration’, they have seen this as arising out of the privileged position of all its members and consequently have not been particularly concerned about the internal government of the organisation. In some contrast the social-democratic critics of craft unionism have seen the industrial strategy of

in The tide of democracy
Jonathan Chatwin

then, the Communists had become the status quo to be queried: the young upstarts had become the staid old men, and the need for rejuvenation – but perhaps not wholesale change – needed to be asserted once more. The so-called ‘Democracy Movement’ which took up the mantle of the May Fourth protestors began in earnest in the late 1970s, with public expressions of frustration at the pace of development in China and the restrictions on liberty and individuality. It would end dramatically in June 1989, with pitched battles fought between the

in Long Peace Street
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library