The Peterloo Massacre was more than just a Manchester event. The attendees, on
whom Manchester industry depended, came from a large spread of the wider textile
regions. The large demonstrations that followed in the autumn of 1819,
protesting against the actions of the authorities, were pan-regional and
national. The reaction to Peterloo established the massacre as firmly part of
the radical canon of martyrdom in the story of popular protest for democracy.
This article argues for the significance of Peterloo in fostering a sense of
regional and northern identities in England. Demonstrators expressed an
alternative patriotism to the anti-radical loyalism as defined by the
authorities and other opponents of mass collective action.
this book has suggested is that the
advent of representative government helped contemporaries imagine their new societies as
unities and communities. Indeed, colonial democracy gave new life to the old concept of
‘national sin’. It was, for instance, an idea deployed by those who believed
colonial voters shared responsibility for harming – if not destroying –
environments, ecologies and indigenous peoples and cultures.
Most of all, special worship retained popularity because
such occasions – and providential
made towards a modernity characterised by freedom of religion, greater degrees of democracy
and new conceptions of colonial nationhood. Ritualised and patterned responses to crises and
celebrations with early modern origins remained important elements in the formation of
collective identity. More specifically, special worship reprised the traditional idea that
communities could be conceived in similar terms as individuals, in that they were spiritual
bodies, sharing a conscience, a moral sense of what was right and wrong, even a
ideological, but also manifested itself institutionally. The institutional network created to serve the Jewish community in British Mandate Palestine was not dismantled in 1948, but absorbed by the democratic State of Israel. The latter therefore took shape as a composite of ethnic and civic institutions that were never fully reconciled (Gordon 1997 ; Avishai 2008 ).
Here is not the place to elaborate, but this hybrid democracy has begun to tear at the seams between the two poles of its genesis. Questioning how democratic Israel really is , post
‘simultaneous development of a social group and a free person,’ he opens by rejecting democracies bourgeois and proletarian alike. Both, he argued, alienate the masses and cultivate complacency by appealing to the fiction of representation — albeit in different ways. Liberal democracies through the illusion of inter-class solidarity via universal suffrage (Steinberg 1921 ). ‘Proletarian democracy’ through the idea of a ‘transitional period’ between the end of revolutionary hostilities and the ultimate ‘withering away of the state’ — an indeterminate interval during which a
individuality and freedom.
To the parallel between technology and theology and the consequent dichotomy between paganism and faith, fatalism and freedom, corresponded, for Tamaret, to a political dichotomy; just as the ‘kingdom of creation’ assumes pagan and divine forms, so too human kingdoms. There are, Tamaret averred, ‘two forms of earthly governance, of political citizenship: autocracy and democracy.’ Under the first, people are ‘bound and subjugated, formed only to administer to’ others; under the second, they are ‘free to wander the earth in its
also because the volume of requests increased as
churches developed, as the newspaper press expanded, and as colonial democracy spread. While
special occasions of worship proliferated, it was also the case that the largest and most
‘national’ occasions – those appointed by the highest state authorities
– lost some of their variety. Governors and other civil leaders summoned their
populations to pray in response to a shrinking range of causes, and the day of prayer became
the characteristic form of special worship in most
has a place in the larger social movements of the 1960s that fought for personal emancipation and participatory democracy and wrestled with social repression and the limitations of authoritative, hierarchical structures. Women religious experimented with alternative modes of living religious life when traditional ways did not seem to fit into a changing world. Though renewal was initiated from the top down at the request of the Holy See, women religious at all levels engaged with social change; some encouraged it, others obstructed it and countless were acquiescent