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Paving the path for a new identity
Christine Agius

embedded Social Democratic norms and institutions would lead to the eventual questioning of neutrality, which is a strong part of the SAP ideology and value system. This rupture or ‘crisis’ of Social Democracy contained strong implications for the reconsideration of neutrality policy. Although its sources and causes are disputed amongst academics, as discussed below, the essential point is that the

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Challenges to Swedish identity and sovereignty
Author: Christine Agius

Neutrality as a concept and practice has long been conceptualised in IR theory as problematic. Broadly seen as the tool of small and weak states with dubious moral credentials, a limited understanding of neutrality has persisted from the Peloponnesian War to the ‘war on terror’. Furthermore, as globalisation and non-traditional security problems animate international politics, neutrality is seen as a policy of the past. This book argues that neutrality has been a neglected and misunderstood subject, limited to realist understandings of war and viable statecraft, and in doing so aims to uncover the normative strands of neutrality that mesh with identity, security and alternatives to the anarchic international order. Using Sweden as a case study, it explores the domestic roots of neutrality via a constructivist analysis, examining how neutrality is embedded in ideas of self, and part of a wider Social Democratic vision of active internationalism. Identity, however, is malleable and subject to change, and this analysis also considers the impact of globalisation and European integration, the end of bipolarity, and new security threats such as global terrorism on neutrality as an idea and a practice.

Reflections on Menke’s ‘Law and violence’
Alessandro Ferrara

and are far from effective in preventing the violent imposition of one legal frame over an alien context that counts as “non-​law” –​an imposition that regretfully continues to occur every time democracy gets forcefully “exported.” However, the factual persistence of a violent imposition of the law of one place over the social life of another place bears no more normative significance than the persistence of car theft can be counted as counterevidence against the merit, desirability, or legitimacy of property laws. Crime, ineliminable though it is, is to the

in Law and violence
Daniel Loick

the example of torture: in liberal democracies, torture is prohibited notwithstanding questions of its (in-​)effectivity. Human dignity, including the criminal’s dignity, is to be respected unconditionally. Benjamin’s move now is to expand the scope of Kant’s transcendental argument to the entire register of legally sanctioned violence: police and prisons are illegitimate independently of the ends they serve, because they are structurally incapable of treating human beings as ends in themselves.11 100 100 Responses Kant’s claim (which Menke adopts), according to

in Law and violence
Andreas Fischer- Lescano

basic question: what is the communality of each of the various entities in question anchored in? In the Kantian theory of democracy, the law-​generating community is usually the “community under law” as the identity of the addressees and authors of the law; political conceptions of the community, by contrast, often posit the polity as its basis. When endowed with substantial content, these conceptions give rise to the adoption of homogeneity requirements and create situations of exclusion. Tying the law to homogeneous communities in this manner is the point of

in Law and violence
Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

: An Intimate History of Four Women across Two Countries (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011) is masterful in its attention to exploring the relationship between the researcher and the women credited rightfully as co-authors of the book. 24 Maurice Masse (Boulogne-Billancourt), letter to L. Dodd, 8 February 2009. 25 P. Connerton, How Societies Remember (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 37. 26 Fulbrook, ‘History writing’, pp. 78, 84. 27 A.  de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, Vol. II (Cambridge:  Sever & Francis, 1863; trans. H

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Abstract only
Christoph Menke

naturally their due, their spirit will be eminently conservative and anti-​democratic” (A. de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. A. Goldhammer (New York: Library of America, 2004), 304–​305). On the anti-​democratic character of the rule of law (and its legitimation in the legal philosophy of liberalism) see M. Walzer, “Democracy and Philosophy,” Political Theory, 9 (1981), 379–​99. For a neat example, note Dworkin’s assertion that “the courts are the capitals of law’s empire, and judges are its princes”; see Dworkin, Law’s Empire, 407. 23 R. Cover, “Nomos and

in Law and violence
Jenny Andersson

a landmark in Swedish political history. The publication of Ralf Edberg’s Skuggan av ett moln ( The shadow of a cloud ) became to the Swedish debate what Rachel Carson’s Silent spring was in the US, and it triggered a discussion within the Labour movement on the conflict between growth and intangible resources such as clean air and water. 4 The growing discussion on economic democracy

in Between growth and security
Swedish social democracy from a strong society to a third way
Author: Jenny Andersson

Social policy is not a cost, but a productive investment, wrote the Swedish social democratic economist Gunnar Myrdal in 1932, the year the Swedish social democrats (SAP) gained electoral power. This notion of social policy as a productive investment and a prerequisite for economic growth became a core feature in the ideology of Swedish social democracy, and a central component of the universalism of the Swedish welfare state. However, as the SAP embarked on its Third Way in 1981, this outlook on social policy as a productive investment was replaced by the identification of social policy as a cost and a burden for growth. This book discusses the components of this ideological turnaround from Swedish social democracy's post war notion of a strong society, to its notion of a Third Way in the early 1980s. It contributes to the history of Swedish social democracy and recent developments in the Swedish welfare state, and also sheds light on contemporary social policy debates.

Active internationalism and ‘credible neutrality’
Christine Agius

’s combination of neutrality and Social Democracy defined Sweden as a specific type of active neutral, one which went beyond the ‘good offices’ label commonly associated with neutrals, and was interested in translating Social Democratic norms and values to the international arena. As the constructivist view holds, identities are fluid, and can be transformed by a variety of internal and external phenomena

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality