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she, herself, joins’. On top of that advice it would be useful to teach children ‘pride in and loyalty to the traditions of democracy of the British Empire and their application to Canadian life today’. 1 Such advice illuminates the importance of women to postwar Canadian citizenship. Citizenship was a place that was gendered through an appeal to women’s enduring domestic positioning. While
laureate, Amartya Sen, who revised the study of famine away from a debate conducted around purely technical and economic distribution questions. Sen’s pioneering insight on the ways in which accountability, legal and social equality and the aggregated features typical of healthy democracy were the key prophylaxis in famine was a study in how an often-vague phraseology of human rights’ ‘indivisibility’ functioned, or tragically
, for most countries the 1918–19 pandemic moment did not align with national selfhood in the way that it did in Australia. Disease memory is rarely as useful as war memory for countries in constructing positive national narratives: there is little glory in death by disease. Furthermore, during the Spanish flu pandemic, democracy could be a hindrance since ‘the demands of national security, a thriving economy and public health are rarely aligned’ – hardly rhetoric that would appeal to a government focused on bringing disparate states together
, UK: Oxford University Press, 2000); Johann Neem, Creating a Nation of Joiners: Democracy and Civil Society in Early National Massachusetts (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008); Jessica Choppin Roney, Governed by a Spirit of Opposition: The Origins of American Political Practice in Colonial Philadelphia (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014); Kevin Butterfield, The
The last king of Laos, Savang Vatthana (r. 1959–75), opened the National Assembly on 11 May 1967, Constitution Day in the Royal Lao Government (RLG) era (1945–75). But it was hardly business as usual. For the first time in seven years, parliament was functioning normally. The King had only recently revived democracy after a period (1958–64) when it seemed a dictatorship might arise. Early in his reign, Savang considered supporting ambitious Royal Lao Army officers. He and his father, Sisavang Vong (r. 1904–59), had a complicated relationship with democracy
queues at government clinics merely reflected older people’s sociability. 6 Surprisingly, from about 2011 pro-democracy and anti-PRC protests were often accompanied by Hong Kong’s colonial-era flag, alongside the contemporary Hong Kong flag that included a bauhinia in the centre of a red field. 7 Yet although this appropriation suggests, if not identification with the
‘democracy’ advocated by labour and social reformers as well as politicians in the wake of nation-wide rice riots that had brought down the previous Cabinet. Domestic politics developed within the context of the changed international environment. The victory of the Western allies over Germany stimulated the rise of democracy over absolute monarchy, as the Hapsburg, Hohenzollern and Ottoman empires collapsed. In addition, the
Through a study of the British Empire's largest women's patriotic organisation, formed in 1900 and still in existence, this book examines the relationship between female imperialism and national identity. It throws light on women's involvement in imperialism; on the history of ‘conservative’ women's organisations; on women's interventions in debates concerning citizenship and national identity; and on the history of women in white settler societies. After placing the Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire (IODE) in the context of recent scholarly work in Canadian, gender and imperial history, and post-colonial theory, the book follows the IODE's history through the twentieth century. Chapters focus upon the IODE's attempts to create a British Canada through its maternal feminist work in education, health, welfare and citizenship. In addition, the book reflects on the IODE's responses to threats to Anglo-Canadian hegemony posed by immigration, World Wars and Communism, and examines the complex relationship between imperial loyalty and settler nationalism. Tracing the organisation into the postcolonial era, where previous imperial ideas are outmoded, it considers the transformation from patriotism to charity, and the turn to colonisation at home in the Canadian North.
obsolete atavisms when compared with the fledgling American democracy, a system grounded on the principles of equality and economic freedom. Sealsfield's championing of the ideals of American democracy became highly influential and can arguably be seen reflected in the French liberal thinker Alexis de Tocqueville's seminal Democracy in America , published in 1835. While Sealsfield's novels both exalted the ideals of American democracy, it was in his use of indigenous
which had steadily developed its tendencies towards democracy over time enabled Freeman to reconcile the traditional assertion that the English constitution was Anglo-Saxon in origin and the Victorian Whig narrative that emphasised the modernity of English freedom. As a powerful account of English national exceptionalism, however, the narrative of the Norman Conquest was underpinned, and undermined, by the Arnoldian philosophy which viewed the past as a long chain of cause and effect and united all European nations together in a series of cyclical movement towards