Transforming Conflict examines lessons learned from the Northern Ireland and Border Counties conflict transformation process through social and economic development and their consequent impacts and implications for practice and policymaking, with a range of functional recommendations produced for other regions emerging from and seeking to transform violent conflict. It provides, for the first time, a comprehensive assessment of the region’s transformation activity, largely amongst grassroots actors, enabled by a number of specific funding programmes, namely the International Fund for Ireland, Peace I and II and INTERREG I, II and IIIA. These programmes have facilitated conflict transformation over more than two decades, presenting a case ripe for lesson sharing. In focusing on the politics of the socioeconomic activities that underpinned the elite negotiations of the peace process, key theoretical transformation concepts are firstly explored, followed by an examination of the social and economic context of Northern Ireland and the Border Counties. The three programmes and their impacts are then assessed before considering what policy lessons can be learned and what recommendations can be made for practice. This is underpinned by a range of semi-structured interviews and the author’s own experience as a project promoter through these programmes in the Border Counties for more than a decade.
This chapter describes the
establishment of a trauma-focused approach to the needs of those seeking
help with emotional, psychological and mental health problems linked to
traumatic experiences of the civil conflict in Northern Ireland. The
chapter will outline the development of a therapy service based upon
trauma-focused cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT). Key issues relating
Peter Shirlow, Jonathan Tonge, James McAuley, and Catherine McGlynn
activism has also
been celebrated, making prison an alternative battleground. This has
made the prison experience central to the legitimacy of non-state
combatant organisations. This legitimacy has been augmented by claims
that the years of education and debate in prison provided and/or shaped
ideological developments in that incarceration provided the space
required to explore and debate ideas and offer
founded that did not bother to become members of the ACVAFS at all. In
contrast to the traditional agencies in the food relief field, these new
agencies concentrated on the provision of technical expertise and
special development projects and financed their operations via private
and public grants. Without a relevant constituency of private donors and
devoid of a large organizational infrastructure (making them less
The reconstruction of Kosovo after 1999 was one of the largest and most ambitious international interventions in a post conflict country. Kosovo was seen by many international actors as a ‘green fields’ site on which to construct the government institutions and practices they considered necessary for future peace and prosperity. For a while Kosovo was close to being a laboratory for the practice of institution building and capacity development. This book looks beyond the apparently united and generally self congratulatory statements of international organisations and donors to examine what actually happened when they tried to work together in Kosovo to construct a new public administration. It considers the interests and motivations and the strengths and weaknesses of each of the major players and how these affected what they did, how they did it, and how successful they were in achieving their goals. Although in general the international exercise in Kosovo can be seen as a success, the results have been uneven. Some public administration institutions perform well while others face ongoing challenges. The book argues that to a significant extent the current day performance of the Kosovo government can be traced to the steps taken, or sometimes not taken, by various international actors in the early years of the international intervention.
This book provides a historical account of the NGO Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe (CARE) as one of the largest humanitarian NGOs worldwide from 1945 to 1980. Readers interested in international relations and humanitarian hunger prevention are provided with fascinating insights into the economic and business related aspects of Western non-governmental politics, fundraising and philanthropic giving in this field. The book also offers rich empirical material on the political implications of private and governmental international aid in a world marked by the order of the Cold War, and decolonialization processes. It elaborates the struggle of so called "Third World Countries" to catch up with modern Western consumer societies. In order to do justice to CARE's growing dimensions and to try to make sense of the various challenges arising from international operations, the book contains five main chapters on CARE's organizational development, with three case studies. It tells CARE's story on two different yet connected levels. First, it tells the story as a history of individuals and their interactions, conflicts, initiatives, and alliances within CARE and second as an organizational history focusing on institutional networks, CARE's role in international diplomacy. By the start of the 1960s CARE's strategically planned transformation into a development-oriented agency was in full swing. With United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Food for Peace, and the Peace Corps, several new government agencies in the development assistance sector were founded that offered potential junctions and opportunities for cooperation for CARE and the voluntary agencies in general.
Over recent years, the relationship between humanitarians and the military has
become especially controversial. Concerns over inefficient and duplicated
assistance programs and the compromised security of relief workers have been
regularly highlighted. Many point to ongoing tensions and polarized positions
that seem to leave NGOs a stark choice between “neutrality” and co-option. Using
Afghanistan as a case study, this book analyses this apparent duality. It puts
forward five basic arguments. First, the history of the relationship extends
prior to the birth of modern humanitarianism. Second, inter-organizational
friction is common between groups and it does not always have a detrimental
impact. Third, working with the military does not necessarily create more
dangerous situations for NGOs. Fourth, humanitarian principles are not a fixed
set of propositions, but evolve according to temporal and situational context.
Finally, humanitarians are generally not co-opted, but rather willingly take
part in political-military endeavors. In all, it is suggested that NGOs tend to
change their policies and actions depending on the context. The book thus
transcends the simple “for” or “against” arguments, leading to a more refined
understanding of the relationship between NGOs and the military.
This book is the fruit of twenty years’ reflection on Islamic charities, both in practical terms and as a key to understand the crisis in contemporary Islam. On the one hand Islam is undervalued as a global moral and political force whose admirable qualities are exemplified in its strong tradition of charitable giving. On the other hand, it suffers from a crisis of authority that cannot be blamed entirely on the history of colonialism and stigmatization to which Muslims have undoubtedly been subjected – most recently, as a result of the "war on terror". The book consists of seventeen previously published chapters, with a general Introduction and new prefatory material for each chapter. The first nine chapters review the current situation of Islamic charities from many different viewpoints – theological, historical, diplomatic, legal, sociological and ethnographic – with first-hand data from the United States, Britain, Israel–Palestine, Mali and Indonesia. Chapters 10 to 17 expand the coverage to explore the potential for a twenty-first century "Islamic humanism" that would be devised by Muslims in the light of the human sciences and institutionalized throughout the Muslim world. This means addressing contentious topics such as religious toleration and the meaning of jihad. The intended readership includes academics and students at all levels, professionals concerned with aid and development, and all who have an interest in the future of Islam.
This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.
rested on the shoulders of the prefects and their departmental committees, with tasks delegated to mayors.
The local response to bombing needed most flexibility in the absence
of a coordinated national impetus until the SIPEG was established.
Local administrative characteristics, the influence of the occupiers and
the frequency and weight of bombing all affected the evolution of local
Until bombs actually fell, little development happened in local
défense passive, partly because of inertia, partly because of an inability to
imagine the threat as it was and