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The product of forty years of research by one of the foremost historians of Jacobitism, this book is a comprehensive revision of Professor Szechi’s popular 1994 survey of the Jacobite movement in the British Isles and Europe. Like the first edition, it is undergraduate-friendly, providing an enhanced chronology, a convenient introduction to the historiography and a narrative of the history of Jacobitism, alongside topics specifically designed to engage student interest. This includes Jacobitism as a uniting force among the pirates of the Caribbean and as a key element in sustaining Irish peasant resistance to English imperial rule. As the only comprehensive introduction to the field, the book will be essential reading for all those interested in early modern British and European politics.
. Some historians have been uncomfortable with this view, including the literary theorist Stephen Greenblatt who argued that psychoanalytic interpretations should only be used after the Renaissance developments in philosophy since previously identity was too fluid to allow individual interpretation. 26 However, fellow scholars of the early modern period have demonstrated persuasively that psychoanalytic ways of thinking can generate helpful narratives of the past. 27 Kantor situated Guibert’s ambivalence towards women in the context of medieval misogyny, but again
possible alliance could, when the British government caught wind of it through its network of spies and informers, set Britain’s statesmen and diplomats racing to find a way to conciliate the power in question. 10 Thus, ironically enough in the grand scheme of things, the major impact of Jacobitism on the history of Europe as a whole may well lie in the silent threat it posed. For more than twenty years 1714–35 (very unusually for early modern Europe), there was no pan-European war. During that time Russia and Prussia emerged as great powers and the Bourbons revitalised
of the fact that in the early modern world the plebeian experience is overwhelmingly anonymous and invisible rather than a reflection of the underlying reality. To take only one example, in 1716 en route to North America the Hockenhall Galley was seized by the Jacobite prisoners it was transporting and taken to Bordeaux. The patricians among the prisoners then wrote to their friends and the Jacobite court asking for financial assistance, and we can thus trace what happened to some of them. But all we know of the fate of the plebeians is encapsulated in one brief
-first-century transnational capitalism and its early modern counterpart. 6 By celebrating colonial commerce between Britain and India as an early form of globalization, or the “age of partnership,” the exhibit focused on an era that was marked by the collaboration between multilingual cosmopolitan Asian and European traders, bankers, and merchants in bringing Asian goods, such as tea, textiles, and spices to the European market and the spaces of the “home.” 7 Indeed, the title of the exhibit, Trading Places, suggested multiple notions of reciprocity and exchange between the East India
(this ceased to be commonplace by the end of the eighteenth century), this allowed for the sharing of ideas across national boundaries (Knight, 2009 ). Early modern universities were home to the discussion of certain specific liberal subjects, and so those developing a passion for the exploration of other fields (including the sciences) did not necessarily find a welcome home within such formalised settings. Developing one’s research interests was not always reliant on a refined education; instead, the collision of individual passions, interests and hobbies often
end of art’s markets for distribution, acquisition and display.) Could this highly empirical domain become further infused with theoretical and ecologically inflected speculation? It seems that the academics who assembled The Matter of Art (2015) think so. Anderson, Dunlop and Smith aim ‘to place matter and its manipulation back into the definition of the early modern artwork’. 4 They cite canonical anthropological and philosophical figures who are unfamiliar company in technical art historical texts (Alfred Gell, Bruno Latour, Manuel DeLanda and Timothy
There is nothing surprising about the parallels to the tariff worries of Victorian times. To paraphrase the American writer Mark Twain, no occurrence is a one-off event, but it repeats something that has happened before. ‘Terribly Tasty Tweed’: keeping up with the customers Over the past four decades, Abraham Moon and Sons learned the value of close collaboration with their customers. The clothiers of early modern times depended on woollen merchants to help them understand the vagaries of fashion. The 1870s’ swatches in the Design Registry at the
. 159–61. 6 Hay and Rogers, English Society , pp. 194–208. 7 Nicholas Rogers, ‘The Middling Orders’, in H. T. Dickinson (ed.), A Companion to Eighteenth-Century Britain (Oxford, 2002), pp. 172–82. 8 Thompson, Customs in Common , pp. 16–96. 9 Thompson, Customs in Common , pp. 185–258; Michael J. Braddick and John Walter, ‘Introduction: Grids of Power: Order, Hierarchy and Subordination in Early Modern Society’, in Michael J. Braddick and John Walter (eds), Negotiating Power in Early Modern Society: Order, Hierarchy and
that print citation is more ‘scholarly’. As mentioned above, prestige tends to attach to older forms of technology. 58 To respond to just the first point: print citation itself is not permanent. The survival rate of early modern books has been estimated at 1%. 59 Anyone who thinks that books are natural survivors is invited to leave their personal library in a field for ten years and see what is left upon their return. Books and manuscripts survive so well because a large international infrastructure takes a great deal of care and effort to preserve them. We