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addresses were much more than a mechanism for showering sycophantic praise upon authority: they were an integral part of what the historian Karin Bowie has termed the ‘opinion politics’ of the early modern period. 6 This book focuses on mass loyal addressing, from its emergence as a form of political communication towards the end of the Cromwellian Protectorate to its zenith as a vehicle for controversy at the turn of the eighteenth century. Public opinion, as represented in loyal addresses, was utilised to legitimate the
THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF LEGISLATION Without doubt, the over-riding concern of Irish historians who attempt to come to understand parliament and the creation of law is Poynings’ Law. One would struggle to find a publication on the Irish Parliament in the early modern period which does not cover it in some detail. Whereas generations of English historians sought to legitimise the role of the English Parliament and later to explain its role, Irish historians have traditionally used their parliamentary history to come to a better understanding of relations
The study of the early modern Atlantic world has come of age in the twenty-first century. Books on the subject pour off the presses in dazzling – and dizzying – profusion. In recent years at least sixty books with the words ‘Atlantic’ or ‘Atlantic World’ in their titles have been published annually. A decade ago, the comparable number could be counted on the fingers of one hand. 1 This dramatic increase in such a short space of time is a testament to the cascading interest in the subject. Works that explore some aspect of the movement and
parliament is the history of the House of Commons. From the late 1960s onwards, a revisionist school emerged in early modern parliamentary history that rejected the idea that there was a sure emergence of a strong opposition in Elizabeth’s time. Michael Graves, Conrad Russell, Geoffrey Elton and Sheila Lambert, among others, all played a role in this. In rejecting the ‘orthodox’ specialisation (some would say obsession) on the House of Commons and party politics, they opened the door to the study of the Lords also, and highlighted the need to study parliament as part of
as ‘neo-colonialism’) and led many developing world states to nationalise the assets of foreign-owned multi-national corporations based in their countries. Nationalism: the history of an ideology One might assert that modern history has been directed by the rise, development and spread of nationalism. We can identify a number of stages in the development of nationalism: proto-nationalism; early modern
centuries. Thus, the Slovak sense of “marginalization” or being “the periphery of periphery” has its roots in the inability of the Slavic population of Slovakia to develop its own forms of medieval statehood (Kirschbaum 1995 ). Conversely Bohemia-Moravia, Poland, and Hungary developed their native aristocratic strata and therefore became proto nation-states. However, in the modern/early modern period all three of them at one
Butler, Puar, and others 34 who argue that imperialist power in the War on Terror works through racialised configurations of sexuality and sexual difference as enacted through violence, I suggest that drone warfare draws upon, and reproduces, sexual difference as a means towards racialisation. If we don’t take the drone as a sui generis technology of surveillance and death-dealing, nor other technological forms of detection, tracking, and targeting as purely late twentieth- and early twenty-first-century phenomenon, we can recognise precursors from the early modern
. To consider humour as a ‘way of operating’, then, facilitates an engagement with the anxieties to be found at the limits (or in the ‘cracks’) of the political sphere. It is for this reason that Roland Bleiker cites early-modern carnival as an example of the sorts of ‘everyday forms of resistance’ that de Certeau takes as his objects of analysis ( Bleiker, 2000 : 203). Bleiker’s analysis demonstrates how carnival’s ‘popular culture of laughter’ was, on the one hand, productive and socially transformative, and yet on the other also reproduced particular (gendered and
tradition of carnival ( Notes from Nowhere, 2003 : 173–183; Bogad, 2016 : 111–154; de Goede, 2005 ; Özden Fırat and Kuryel, 2011b ; Shepard, 2005 ; Jordan, n.d.; cf. Grindon, 2004 ). The parallels between late-medieval/early-modern carnival and the ‘Carnival of the Oppressed’ held in Ogoni, Nigeria in 1999, the ‘Carnival against Capitalism’ held in London at the same time and the ‘Carnival for Full Enjoyment’ held in Edinburgh in 2005 should not be overstated ( Wiwa, 2003 ; Schlembach, 2016 : 124–128; Hodkinson and Chatterton, 2006 : 307). Nevertheless, it remains
commercial center since Roman times, held its monopolies as a result of and as a way to further its wealth and power. Existing institutions perpetuated Cologne's privileges. It is no surprise then that Cologne was known as the ‘mother of German towns’ and led the way in developing early modern urban institutions in northwest Germany (Dollinger 1964 : 14). Newer urban centers such as Rotterdam, Mannheim, and Frankfurt, which became important economic centers in the late Middle Ages, challenged the disproportionate power held by Cologne and Mainz. However, institutionalized