11 East Asia shaun breslin The task of writing about democratization in East Asia as a whole is a hugely problematic one. It is a region that contains massive diversity in political and economic systems and one that remains in a state of considerable flux and transition. A key element in this transition is the end of the Cold War, and the resulting reduction in US tolerance of authoritarianism so long as that authoritarianism was overtly anti-communist. It is also a region where, as in East and Central Europe, communist party states are struggling with the
T HE SHORT TITLE to this chapter conceals the host of complex geographical, historical, definitional and ideational factors inherent in any attempt to understand what is meant either by ‘security’ in a given region, or the very definition of ‘East Asia’ itself in this particular case. East Asia is not a legally definable entity; it is not bound
’s conclusions. Regional security isolationism during the Cold War During the Cold War, Japan pursued a strategy of regional security isolationism. This isolationism rested on two pillars. First, Japan abstained from direct involvement in regional security. Tokyo refused even to discuss regional security with other East Asian countries. Second, Japan entrusted its stake in regional security to American hands. Tokyo’s contribution to regional security was indirect and passive. Japan passively served as the major Asian platform
Introduction The Obama administration was the first to put ASEAN at the centre of its Asia diplomacy. Gaining membership to the ASEAN-created and ASEAN-led East Asia Summit (EAS), achieved in 2011, was deemed a particularly important milestone. It is quite possible that the Obama administration may well become the only American administration to prioritise the EAS to such an extent. Up until the time of writing in early 2019, the Trump administration from 2017 reverted to a more typical US approach to Asia focused on Northeast Asia, bilateral relations and
these endogenous regional drivers has been the exogenous factor of the US’s declining ability to singly maintain the burden of the East Asia security framework ( Goh, 2011 ). Endogenous and exogenous factors have led to what some scholars call bipolarisation of the South China Sea ( Burgess, 2016 ). Lastly, political stability under the Abe administration has enabled a more sustained, engaged and proactive foreign policy, making Japan a more reliable partner in the areas of economic, political and security cooperation ( Mark, 2016 ). The
5 Public diplomacy of the European Union in East Asia Suetyi Lai and Li Zhang Introduction When public diplomacy broadly refers to attempts by one government to influence foreign publics, governments from Europe have been among the first to practise it, for example with the establishment of the Alliance Française in 1883 and of the British Council in 1934. Yet the public diplomacy of the EU as a collective institution appeared much later, while studies of public diplomacy itself focus mostly on the country level. This chapter is devoted to understanding the
This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of Japan’s new security
partnerships with Australia, India, countries and multilateral security
structure in East Asia, as well as with the EU and some of its member
Most books on Japanese bilateral relations focus exclusively on the Japanese perspective, the debate in Japan, positions of Japanese government leaders and parties, or the public discourse. This edited volume is organized in pairs of chapters, one each analysing the motivations and objectives of Japan, and a second analysing those of each of the most important new security partners.
After solely relying on the United States for its national security needs during the Cold War, since the end of the Cold War, Japan has begun to deepen its bilateral security ties. Since the mid-2000s under LDP and DPJ administrations, bilateral security partnerships accelerated and today go beyond non-traditional security issue are as and extend far into traditional security and military affairs, including the exchange and joint acquisition of military hardware, military exercises, and capacity building. It is argued, that these developments will have implications for the security architecture in the Asia-Pacific.
This book is a primer for those interested in Japan’s security policy beyond the US-Japan security alliance, non-American centred bilateral and multilateral security cooperation through the eyes of Japanese as well as partner country perspectives. It is also an ideal as a course reading for graduate courses on regional security cooperation and strategic partnerships, and Japanese foreign and security policy.
In the new world order mapped out by Japanese and Western imperialism in East Asia after the mid-nineteenth century opium wars, communities of merchants and settlers took root in China and Korea. New identities were constructed, new modes of collaboration formed and new boundaries between the indigenous and foreign communities were established. This book explores two themes at the heart of the colonial process: agency and identity. The agents of British empire in China included the usual suspects: Britons from the official and military castes, as well as Iraqi Jewish merchants, Parsis and Indian Jews, Eurasians, South East Asian Chinese. The reliance of colonial regimes on local middlemen has become an essential part of any explanation of colonialism, though it is only very recently that the model has been systematically applied to Hong Kong. The Daniel Richard Caldwell affair could hardly have broken out at a more difficult time for the young and problematic British colony at Hong Kong. The book defines the ambiguous positioning of the Baghdadis vis-a-vis the British, and shows that their marginality did not represent, as a whole, a significant hindrance to their sojourn in the Shanghai foreign settlements. In Shanghai the German community recognised the leading role which the Nazi party held and which everyone, even the other foreign communities, seemed to accept. The book also looks at the aspects of their economic, social and political life that Indians led in the colony of Hong Kong and in the Chinese treaty ports.
she organises into three groups by the geographical regions they come from: South East Asians (from Cambodia, Burma and Thailand), Africans and the third group, comprising Iraqis, Iranians and Afghans. She discovers differences in their ability to use telecommunications technology (e.g. telephones, fax machines and mobile phones), depending on their countries of origin, suggesting that conflict, war or government surveillance hindered their abilities. Leung also observes that exposure to new