T HE SHORT TITLE to this chapter conceals the host of complex geographical, historical, definitional and ideational factors inherent in any attempt to understand what is meant either by ‘security’ in a given region, or the very definition of ‘East Asia’ itself in this particular case. East Asia is not a legally definable entity; it is not bound
’s conclusions. Regional security isolationism during the Cold War During the Cold War, Japan pursued a strategy of regional security isolationism. This isolationism rested on two pillars. First, Japan abstained from direct involvement in regional security. Tokyo refused even to discuss regional security with other East Asian countries. Second, Japan entrusted its stake in regional security to American hands. Tokyo’s contribution to regional security was indirect and passive. Japan passively served as the major Asian platform
Introduction The Obama administration was the first to put ASEAN at the centre of its Asia diplomacy. Gaining membership to the ASEAN-created and ASEAN-led East Asia Summit (EAS), achieved in 2011, was deemed a particularly important milestone. It is quite possible that the Obama administration may well become the only American administration to prioritise the EAS to such an extent. Up until the time of writing in early 2019, the Trump administration from 2017 reverted to a more typical US approach to Asia focused on Northeast Asia, bilateral relations and
these endogenous regional drivers has been the exogenous factor of the US’s declining ability to singly maintain the burden of the East Asia security framework ( Goh, 2011 ). Endogenous and exogenous factors have led to what some scholars call bipolarisation of the South China Sea ( Burgess, 2016 ). Lastly, political stability under the Abe administration has enabled a more sustained, engaged and proactive foreign policy, making Japan a more reliable partner in the areas of economic, political and security cooperation ( Mark, 2016 ). The
This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of Japan’s new security
partnerships with Australia, India, countries and multilateral security
structure in East Asia, as well as with the EU and some of its member
Most books on Japanese bilateral relations focus exclusively on the Japanese perspective, the debate in Japan, positions of Japanese government leaders and parties, or the public discourse. This edited volume is organized in pairs of chapters, one each analysing the motivations and objectives of Japan, and a second analysing those of each of the most important new security partners.
After solely relying on the United States for its national security needs during the Cold War, since the end of the Cold War, Japan has begun to deepen its bilateral security ties. Since the mid-2000s under LDP and DPJ administrations, bilateral security partnerships accelerated and today go beyond non-traditional security issue are as and extend far into traditional security and military affairs, including the exchange and joint acquisition of military hardware, military exercises, and capacity building. It is argued, that these developments will have implications for the security architecture in the Asia-Pacific.
This book is a primer for those interested in Japan’s security policy beyond the US-Japan security alliance, non-American centred bilateral and multilateral security cooperation through the eyes of Japanese as well as partner country perspectives. It is also an ideal as a course reading for graduate courses on regional security cooperation and strategic partnerships, and Japanese foreign and security policy.
. The historical experience of the East Asian region, particularly its unparalleled, rapid and largely unexpected economic development over the last 50 years or so, has a number of important implications. Indeed, if economic development is taken as one of the most fundamental preconditions for the accomplishment of more encompassing forms of security that promote human
she organises into three groups by the geographical regions they come from: South East Asians (from Cambodia, Burma and Thailand), Africans and the third group, comprising Iraqis, Iranians and Afghans. She discovers differences in their ability to use telecommunications technology (e.g. telephones, fax machines and mobile phones), depending on their countries of origin, suggesting that conflict, war or government surveillance hindered their abilities. Leung also observes that exposure to new
). CIDA ( 1989–90 ) Annual Report ( Ottawa : CIDA ). CIDA ( 1990a ), East Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific, Activity Sheet. Families of the World ( Hull, QC : Media-Sphere, Youth Editions ). CIDA ( 1990b ), Eastern Caribbean ( Hull, QC : Media-Sphere, Youth Editions ). Bilingual poster . CIDA ( 1991–95 ), Somewhere Today / Aujourd’hui quelque part ( Hull, QC : Media-Sphere, Youth Editions ). Published four times during the school year. Thematic issues included La fête!; Going to School; My School, Your
, these references also lead us into the global 1960s. It is only partly true that Biafra was the first postcolonial conflict that was discussed as a genocide – but the way these references worked changed with Biafra. Already before the American war in South East Asia, what is usually called the Vietnam War was then described as possibly genocidal. This was something that many New Leftists at least were concerned about. Some of their leading figures and intellectuals associated
which a resurgent Russia has stepped. These are structural shifts in the sense that even the most liberal government in the US would find it hard to throw its weight around when China is always available – in South East Asia, in Africa, in Central Asia – to provide financing and diplomatic support with few strings attached (and to threaten forms of retaliation when such inducements fail). The rise of Trump can even be explained as a reaction to a sense of gathering national decline, hence his campaign slogan: ‘Make America Great Again