Slovenian society (Vrecer 2010 ). In 2000, a year when 13,000 rather than the past year's 776 people (mostly from the Middle East and south-eastAsia) claimed asylum, Slovenian media revived the frame of migrants and refugees as likely criminals and public-health risks such that Slovenes might reasonably object to having refugee centres near their homes (Mihelj 2005 : 120). 5 Articulations of Slovenian nationalism in both crises involved notions of autochthony linking Slovenian ethnicity to homeland, defining the nation against immediate regional Others and newer
with south-east Europe and other zones of neoliberal enclosure such as the Emirates' spectacular hubs of capital and south-eastAsian cities' business districts (Harrington 2005 ; Suchland 2015 ). Many post-Soviet sex-workers are fair-skinned, and the blonde, Russian, passionate ‘Natasha’ stereotype is a vector of desire (Gülçür and İlkkaracan 2002 : 414). Their socio-economic marginality and the marginality of eastern Europe/Russia in ‘Western’ imaginations produces a racialised, exoticised category that Anna Agathangelou ( 2004b : 88) (after research in Cyprus
telos and nomos .
Governmentality beyond liberal rights
What this means, in effect, is that wherever there are laws which declare purposes or specify the means of achieving them, or are conceptualised or read as doing so, there will be a requirement to “govern” accordingly – to act indirectly so as to bring about the desired end. This is why, indeed, it is increasingly common to describe forms of governmentality appearing in decidedly non-liberal contexts, such as in modern China, 50
or South-EastAsia. 52
This puts the way human rights