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Julie Gilson

T HE SHORT TITLE to this chapter conceals the host of complex geographical, historical, definitional and ideational factors inherent in any attempt to understand what is meant either by ‘security’ in a given region, or the very definition of ‘East Asia’ itself in this particular case. East Asia is not a legally definable entity; it is not bound

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Paul Midford

’s conclusions. Regional security isolationism during the Cold War During the Cold War, Japan pursued a strategy of regional security isolationism. This isolationism rested on two pillars. First, Japan abstained from direct involvement in regional security. Tokyo refused even to discuss regional security with other East Asian countries. Second, Japan entrusted its stake in regional security to American hands. Tokyo’s contribution to regional security was indirect and passive. Japan passively served as the major Asian platform

in Japan's new security partnerships
Stephen R. Nagy

these endogenous regional drivers has been the exogenous factor of the US’s declining ability to singly maintain the burden of the East Asia security framework ( Goh, 2011 ). Endogenous and exogenous factors have led to what some scholars call bipolarisation of the South China Sea ( Burgess, 2016 ). Lastly, political stability under the Abe administration has enabled a more sustained, engaged and proactive foreign policy, making Japan a more reliable partner in the areas of economic, political and security cooperation ( Mark, 2016 ). The

in Japan's new security partnerships
Beyond the security alliance

This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of Japan’s new security partnerships with Australia, India, countries and multilateral security structure in East Asia, as well as with the EU and some of its member states.

Most books on Japanese bilateral relations focus exclusively on the Japanese perspective, the debate in Japan, positions of Japanese government leaders and parties, or the public discourse. This edited volume is organized in pairs of chapters, one each analysing the motivations and objectives of Japan, and a second analysing those of each of the most important new security partners.

After solely relying on the United States for its national security needs during the Cold War, since the end of the Cold War, Japan has begun to deepen its bilateral security ties. Since the mid-2000s under LDP and DPJ administrations, bilateral security partnerships accelerated and today go beyond non-traditional security issue are as and extend far into traditional security and military affairs, including the exchange and joint acquisition of military hardware, military exercises, and capacity building. It is argued, that these developments will have implications for the security architecture in the Asia-Pacific.

This book is a primer for those interested in Japan’s security policy beyond the US-Japan security alliance, non-American centred bilateral and multilateral security cooperation through the eyes of Japanese as well as partner country perspectives. It is also an ideal as a course reading for graduate courses on regional security cooperation and strategic partnerships, and Japanese foreign and security policy.

Geopolitics and capitalist development in the Asia-Pacific
Mark Beeson

. The historical experience of the East Asian region, particularly its unparalleled, rapid and largely unexpected economic development over the last 50 years or so, has a number of important implications. Indeed, if economic development is taken as one of the most fundamental preconditions for the accomplishment of more encompassing forms of security that promote human

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Abstract only
Neil Collins and Andrew Cottey

Organisation and the various Asian and East Asian frameworks for cooperation, generate mutual interests between China, the US and Asian states which make armed conflict between them unlikely and counter-balance pressures for strategic competition (Ikenberry 2008). If China becomes a liberal democracy, it may even become part of the zone of democratic peace – within which wars have become inconceivable – with the major Western powers. Liberalism’s focus on domestic politics, however, also directs attention to an alternative scenario: if China descends into extreme

in Understanding Chinese politics
Renato Cruz De Castro

partnership. It addresses these two corollary problems: What are the external and domestic factors that account for the increasing security cooperation between the Philippines and Japan? And what is the state of this security partnership? It also looks into these related issues: What is the origin of the Philippine–Japan security partnership? How has China’s maritime expansion in East Asia affected the security policies of these two countries? What are the components of the Philippine–Japan security cooperation? And finally, how will this security partnership evolve over

in Japan's new security partnerships
Abstract only
Third World capitalism par excellence
Sam King

processing in East Asia, China is more integrated into world trade than any other large nation. China formally joined the World Trade Organisation in 2001, ‘binding itself’, according to Steinfeld, ‘to an accession protocol more expansive, in terms of both market access and permissible trade practices, than that faced by any other developing country in

in Imperialism and the development myth
US–Japanese nuclear weapons cooperation
Stephan Frühling and Andrew O'Neil

around Japan’. 32 While not as path breaking as the 1997 changes, the 2015 revised Guidelines strengthened expectations with respect to potential Japanese contributions outside East Asia, and formally established an Alliance Coordination Mechanism (ACM) to manage bilateral responses to specific operational contingencies. 33 An addition to the established institutional architecture of the alliance, the

in Partners in deterrence
Sam King

capital sought ‘to focus domestic production in Japan ever more exclusively on the highest tech lines by relying on the country’s highly skilled but expensive labour force, while sloughing off less advanced production to East Asia’. 7 In arguing why, in their view, the conditions of IMF emergency loans in the East Asian region from 1998 were ‘not really about

in Imperialism and the development myth