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feasible to pursue the conclusion of trade and investment alliances and to turn a blind eye to human rights violations or corrupt political regimes. Furthermore, Europe also needs to drop its Eurocentric lens. It cannot give lectures on regional institutionalisation and development models. This will not be accepted any more by Asian leaders. A more multipolar economic world order means also the acceptance of different models of development and international relations. The EU should continue to support a liberal, rules- and norms-based multilateral global economic
dependent on the success of its economic and social model, as well as its capability of effective collective action. On these accounts, “the international status of the EU has suffered setbacks in the last decennium due to the onset of multiple crises, chiefly the sovereign debt crisis in the Eurozone, the refugee crisis and the British referendum on its continued membership of the EU” (Michalski and Pan, 2017: 4). The perception that the EU’s economic governance model and its regulatory regime were not able to prevent the sovereign debt crisis seriously undermined the EU
best judge the nature, extent and reasons for economic change in Northern Ireland since UK accession, it is necessary to appre- 38 Northern Ireland and the European Union ciate the specific dynamics of the regional economy. This chapter identifies and discusses the peculiarities and the broad challenges facing the Northern Ireland economy. The chapter also acknowledges that the introduction of devolution in 1999 occasioned some change in the manner of economic governance in Northern Ireland. This has altered Northern Ireland’s engagement with the UK, and also the
, democracy, economic governance, the rule of law and the like which, fourth, through greater cohesion among members, may likely fuel more extensive forms of integration and collaboration. This, fifth, acts to reconstitute actors’ identities and interests by further embedding them in social networks, and hence linking them to collective expectations and commitments. From international to
of national politico-legal structures, such as constitutions and party and electoral systems, on development projects and the lineaments of economic governance. Elections and IMF-approved economic models have been the cornerstones of the projects. Relatively little attention has been paid either to the grassroots dynamics of these political and economic models, or to other dimensions of governance – in particular, to whether and how practical alternatives to violence, as a means of managing conflict, may be evolving. Yet experience to date in peace
security, rule of law, humanitarian, economic, governance, political, developmental, and human rights spheres. The relations within each of these pillars are extensive, but the increasingly comprehensive or integrated nature of programmes – such as protection of civilians (PoC), security sector reform (SSR), disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR), or arranging and securing elections – has led to a proliferation of linkages and interdependencies across these functional areas. These efforts are often guided or supported through bilateral relations with