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The looking machine calls for the redemption of documentary cinema, exploring the potential and promise of the genre at a time when it appears under increasing threat from reality television, historical re-enactments, designer packaging and corporate authorship. The book consists of a set of essays, each focused on a particular theme derived from the author’s own experience as a filmmaker. It provides a practice-based, critical perspective on the history of documentary, how films evoke space, time and physical sensations, questions of aesthetics, and the intellectual and emotional relationships between filmmakers and their subjects. It is especially concerned with the potential of film to broaden the base of human knowledge, distinct from its expression in written texts. Among its underlying concerns are the political and ethical implications of how films are actually made, and the constraints that may prevent filmmakers from honestly showing what they have seen. While defending the importance of the documentary idea, MacDougall urges us to consider how the form can become a ‘cinema of consciousness’ that more accurately represents the sensory and everyday aspects of human life. Building on his experience bridging anthropology and cinema, he argues that this means resisting the inherent ethnocentrism of both our own society and the societies we film.
. I had been accepted into the Economics PhD programme at Sussex. I applied from my homeland, New Zealand, because Sussex was the site of the, by-then, famous Institute of Development Studies. As son of a New Zealand diplomat I had lived in Sydney, Canberra, Wellington, Washington DC, Ottawa, Colombo, Kuala Lumpur; I had also conducted fieldwork on the economy of the residents of
relocated to the United States he may not have embraced a conceptual scheme that assigned analytic priority to ideas rather than structure and behaviour. It should be pointed out, however, that while still at Sussex his interests had already turned to cognitive anthropology. Even more significant is Bailey’s comparison of neoclassical economics and structural functionalism. On the face
WHO–World Bank tool of medico-economic evaluation. Dr Dholakia soon explained: ‘The whole purpose of this exercise, it is not finding out if it is a question of cost (…) [it was] to compare the two alternatives and what are the benefits and if one is superior to the other, then (…) what is the maximum I can spend to incentivize the people so that this succeeds.’ Thus he restated the report's executive summary, namely that it was not about assessing the feasibility of DOTS following the method central to health economics, i.e. costs
30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 HRMV.indb 174 W. Cyrus-Reed, ‘Exile, reform, and the rise of the Rwandan Patriotic Front’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 34:3 (1996), pp. 479–501; M. Dorsey, ‘Violence and power-building in post genocide Rwanda’, in R. Doom & J. Gorus (eds), Politics of Identity and Economics of Conflict in the Great Lakes Region (Brussels: VUB University Press, 2000), pp. 311–48; G. Prunier, ‘Eléments pour une histoire du Front patriote Rwandais’, Politique Africaine, 51 (1993), pp. 121–38. Chrétien et al., Rwanda
equality service since this makes mothers dependent on intergenerational family care (Naldini and Jurado 2009 , Rondinelli et al. 2010 ). Esther (38) has a PhD in economics. She left Italy in 2010 with her husband and their 3-year-old son when the husband got an interesting job offer in Norway. Later she gave birth to a daughter and another son. After the partners had shared one-year-long parental leaves, Esther returned to fulltime work in public administration. When we met, the two youngest children attended kindergarten. She shared
. Economics becomes visible in a marketplace or a bank. Politics is expressed through electoral campaigns, parliaments and public debate. Much of what anthropologists learn they learn through visual observation – how members of a family treat one another, how a technical process is performed, and so on. This knowledge can be recorded and interpreted in words, but it is clear that important parts of it escape the encoding process. For example, you can describe a facial expression or the steps in making something
about the temporal, ethical and affective regimes that governance reconfigurations rely on. Austerity and the neoliberal reconfigurations of the welfare state need to be considered not only as the implementation of neoliberal economics or class hegemony (the Marxist argument), or neoliberal technologies of governmentality (the Foucauldian argument), but also as policies and state logics that are enabled by particular temporal regimes that are historically and culturally shaped and interact with global organising logics in historically specific ways. To understand the
they had themselves drawn from the years of post-socialist transformations, as much as they applied their professional knowledge in psychology or business management. So, on the one hand, even if they did not regard themselves as state agents, the trainers had a part in instituting the neoliberal welfare regime and promoting neoliberal morals. On the other hand, they were not working from a neoliberal script. They would mobilise various fields of knowledge (such as economics, business administration, psychology, civil society building or pseudo-scientific approaches
the problem the company is trying to solve, key members of its management team, and business model and financial projections. References Anderson, Patricia and Witter, Michael. 1994. ‘Crisis, Adjustment and Social Change: A Case Study of Jamaica’. In Consequences of Structural Adjustment: A Review of the Jamaican Experience. Edited by Elsie LeFranc. Kingston: Canoe Press, 1–55. Ayres, Ian, Banaji, Mahzarin and Jolls, Christine. 2015. ‘Race Effects on eBay’. The RAND Journal of Economics 46(4): 891–917. Barad, Karen Michelle. 1998. ‘Getting Real: Technoscientific