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survey portray neither simply the power of royal justice nor the weakness of widows at the mercy of relentless royal interference. Rather they show complexities inherent in patterns of women’s land tenure. It is evidence of the way that the varied interactions of the economics of female land tenure, combined with the vagaries of the female life cycle, defined and constructed women’s identities, tenurial patterns which underpinned their power as landholders. 187 noblewomen and power Finally, an account of the wives and widows in the Rotuli de Dominabus which sees
making meaning include, for example, how to understand the ancient biblical past in terms of contemporary situations, how to use short visual and textual captions as mnemonics for longer narratives, and how to incorporate the intertextual references of other books and other experiences into the reading process. In Chapters 3 and 4, the issue of the juxtaposition of images with writing is explored in the context of early printed texts. In both examples, the generic nature of the image is probably connected with the practicalities and economics of supplying woodcut
village of Gózquez (Madrid, Spain)’, Quaternary International , 346 (2014), 7–19. 26 Peytremann, Archéologie rurale , vol. 1, pp. 334–52; Catteddu, Archéologie médiévale , vol. 1, pp. 50–66; Hamerow, Rural Settlements and Society , pp. 144–62. 27 R. Córdoba, ‘Technology, craft, and industry’, in Graham-Campbell and Valor (eds), The Archaeology of Medieval Europe , pp. 208–30; Catteddu, Archéologie médiévale , vol. 1, pp. 68–87. 28 R. Hodges, Dark Age Economics . A New Audit (London: Bloomsbury, 2012), pp. 57–64. 29 C. Wickham, ‘Rethinking the
of siting with access to the sea or to a navigable river’ (1994: 148). Economics in the form of trade, rather than politics, was determined as the motivating factor behind tower house siting ( ibid .). Naessens's studies of the coastal tower houses of south Connemara continued the scholarly emphasis on the maritime landscape. He identified a strong link between the building of tower houses and an increase in trade (2007). He observed a desire to control fishing grounds, in addition to a number of other social functions of the tower house, such as acting as a status
. (New York: New Press, 1998), pp. 175–86 (p. 178). 23 Foucault, ‘Different spaces’, p. 184. 24 Foucault, ‘Different spaces’, p. 183. 25 For a description of rituals completed by departing pilgrims, see Jonathan Sumption, Pilgrimage: An Image of Medieval Religion (London: Faber & Faber, 1975), pp. 168–75. The pilgrimage road in late medieval English literature 217 26 The Book of Margery Kempe, ed. Sanford Brown Meech and Hope Emily Allen, EETS os 212 (London: Oxford University Press, 1940), p. 24. 27 Sheila Delany, ‘Sexual economics, Chaucer’s Wife of Bath
house. It broadens this territorial scope in stages, starting with the buildings we might find next to the tower itself, as components of a larger complex. Each tower house will have drawn from a personal hinterland; and in rural Ireland most likely from peasants or farmers toiling the land for their lord. Therefore, we can use the tower house as a starting point for uncovering ordinary people, and to study the socio-economics that nurtured it. No solitary tower: The immediate castle complex The small size of many
Sligo commanded extensive views over maritime routes, and were on many occasions placed next to harbours and other landing places. A prime example is at Easky in County Sligo, which commanded the sea, an anchoring point and entrance to the River Easky. Economics in the form of trade, rather than political considerations, was a motivating factor behind such a distribution ( ibid .). This interpretation is confirmed by documentary references to castles in County Donegal controlling access to salmon fishing grounds, fords and havens (CSPI: vol. 10, SP63/208/2, f.0024
The current political maelstrom that revolves around social welfare, health care coverage, and emerging pandemic scares may seem to be a specifically modern concern. However, these issues also loomed large in earlier historical eras. Today, while perhaps debating the politics of health care economics, most people would agree that the hospital functions as one of the ‘first duties of an organized society’ 1 as a public service for those members of the community who are in need. This ideal is not a recent conception. It emerged as early
on household economics and politics on the condition that they learn and repeat their own exclusion from political roles. On this reading, women’s knowledge— or its highest order—serves the household interest but does not claim to direct it. Discipline over household properties, including consumables and women’s own bodies, is central to this knowledge. The purpose of this discipline is above all to preserve these properties for patriarchal use, for politics governed by men, not for female initiatives, domestic or otherwise. The Book attempts this disarming of
Europe, c. 850– c. 1550: Managing Power, Wealth, and the Body, for example, while the first group of essays (titled ‘The Public Household and Political Power’) largely focuses on royal and noble households, subsequent sections range much more widely to include urban bourgeois, gentry, and peasant households. As the titles of these sections indicate— ‘The Moral Household’, ‘Household Economics: Money, Work, and Property’, and ‘The Material Household’—these collected essays not only examine other social strata but also take up a wider range of issues relating to